


ne 










YALE ORIENTAL SERIES 


RESEARCHES Ms 
VOLUME V, PART II 
PUBLISHED ON THE FOUNDATION 
ESTABLISHED BY THE 
KINGSLEY TRUST ASSOCIATION 
iments of ue . 





NIVERSITY LIBRARY 
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YALE ORIENTAL SERIES - RESEARCHES - VOLUME V-2 


THE SHIRKUTU 


OF 


BABYLONIAN DEITIES 


BY 
RAYMOND PHILIP DOUGHERTY, Ph.D. 


Professor of Biblical Literature in Goucher College 





NEW HAVEN 


YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS 
LONDON : HUMPHREY MILFORD : OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 
MDCOCCXXIII 


a 


Copyriaut, 1923, By 





i 


YALE UNIVERSITY PREss 





To my First TERACHER IN SEMITICS 


PROFESSOR JOSIAH P. LANDIS, D.D., Pa.D. 





ABBREVIATIONS. 


AENN Dougherty, Archives from Erech, Time of Nebuchadrezzar and 
Nabomdus, GCCI Vol. I. 

AENP Dougherty, Archives from Erech, Neo-Babyloman and Persian 
Periods, GCCI Vol. II. (In preparation.) 


B Briimnow, A Classified Inst of all Simple and Compound Ideo- 
graphs. 

BA Beitrige zur Assyrwologie. 

BE Clay, Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvama. 


Vol. VIII, Part I, Legal and Commercial Transactions, 
Dated wn the Assyrian, Neo-Babylonian and Persian 
Periods. Vol. X, Business Documents of Murashi Sons of 
Nippur, Dated in the Reign of Darwis. 


BIN Babyloman Inscriptions in the Collection of J. B. Nies. 

BR Kohler and Peiser, Aus dem Babylomschen Rechtsleben. 

BRM Clay, Babyloman Records in the Inbrary of J. P. Morgan, 
Part I, Business Transactions of the First Millennium B. C. 

CD Muss-Aronldt, A Concise Dictionary of the Assyrian Language. 


CHEHE Collection of L’Ecole des Hautes Etudes. 

DISGI Delitzsch, Swmerisches Glossar. 

GCCI Goucher College Cunerform Inscriptions. 

Grice Chrn Grice, Chronology of the Larsa Dynasty, YOR IV 1. 

HmlSLI Hommel, Suwmerische Lesestiicke. 

HRETA Nies and Keiser, Historical, Religious and Economic Texts and 
Antiquities, BIN Part IT. 

Hwb Delitzsch, Assyrisches Handworterbuch. 

JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society. 

KAT® Die Keinschriften wnd das Alte Testament, 3te Aufi. 1903. 


KBB Koschaker, Babylomsch-Assyrisches Biirgschaftsrecht. 

KG&UAR Kohler and Ungnad, Assyrische Rechtsurkunden. 

LCE Keiser, Letters and Contracts from Erech, BIN Part I. 

LCL Johns, Babyloman and Assyrian Laws, Contracts and Letters. 

M Meissner, Seltene Assyrische Ideogramme. 

MI Clay, Miscellaneous Inscriptions in the Yale Babylonian Collec- 
tion, YBT Vol. I. 

NKI Langdon, Die Neubabylonischen Konigsinschriften. 


NLE Clay, Neo-Babyloman Letters from Erech, YBT Vol. III. 


8 


OLZ 
PBSA 
PsrVrir 
R 

RA 
RECC 


REN 


RUL 
SSS 
STD 


SirCamb 
StrCyr 
StrDar 
StrNbk 
StrNbn 
TIlqNB 
UDT 
UMBS 


VS 
YBT 


YOR 
ZA 
ZATW 


YALE ORIENTAL SERIES - RESEARCHES V-2 


Orientalistische Interaturzeitung. 

Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archeology. 

Peiser, Babylonische Vertrage. 

Rawlinson, Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia. 

Revue d’Assyriologie. 

Tremayne, Records from Erech, Time of Cyrus and Cambyses, 
YBT. Vol. VII. 

Dougherty, Records from Erech, Time of Nabonidus, YBT Vol. 
VI. 

Grice, Records from Ur and Larsa, YBT Vol. V. 

Semitic Study Series. 

Keiser, Selected Temple Documents of the Ur Dynasty, YBT 
Vol. IV. 

Strassmaier, Inschriften von Cambyses. 

Strassmaier, Inschriften von Cyrus. 

Strassmaier, Inschriften von Darius. 

Strassmaier, Inschriften von Nabuchodonosor. 

Strassmaier, Inschriften von Nabomdus. 

Tallqvist, Newbabylomsches Namenbuch. 

Nies, Ur Dynasty Tablets. 

Umversity of Pennsylvania. 
the Babyloman Section. 

Vorderastatische Schriftdenkmdaler. 

Yale Oriental Series, Babylonian Texts. For Vol. VII see 
RECC. 

Yale Oriental Series, Researches. 

Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie. 

Zeitschrift fir Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft. 


The Museum. Publications of 


INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. 


Cuneiform inscriptions of the Neo-Babylonian and Persian 
periods consist largely of temple archives which throw a flood of 
light upon the life of the times. A vast amount of information 
has thus been gained concerning the ceremonial, commercial and 
judicial activities of important centers of worship in Babylonia. 
By means of facts obtained from various records it has been possi- 
ble to repeople, as it were, the ruins of sacred edifices of the 
past with numerous functionaries and their retinues of busy 
subordinates. 

Of unusual interest is the sirkutu,; an order of temple servants, 
whose exact status could be only surmised from the documents for- 
merly at the disposal of scholars. It was natural to conclude from 
early meager references that the sirktitu formed a class of temple 
officials.2 Now, with the aid of recently published texts, it is possi- 
ble to peer into the intricate workings of this order and to come to 
some decision as to its real nature. 

Volume VI of YBT, entitled Records from Erech, Time of 
Nabomdus, published by the writer in 1920, and Volume VII of the 
same series, entitled Records from Erech, Time of Cyrus and Cam- 
byses, by Dr. Archibald Tremayne, contain inscriptions of extreme 


‘For the sake of uniformity the following terms will be used in translation and dis- 
cussion: sirku and Sirké as the singular and plural terms representing individual members 
of the order; Sirkitu as the term representing the order in toto. Sirkaitu seems 
to be used in an abstract sense like the term priesthood in English, though it is not 
impossible to regard it as a plural form like agarritu from agarru. Sirkatu is the 
feminine singular form, and is translated ‘‘female sirku.’’ It must be noted that Hwb 
and CD give Sardqu as the root of the verb. If this was the original root, the q has been 
softened to & in the texts dealing with the Sirkiitu, as is evidenced by such terms as 
hSi-ra-ka, fsir-ka-tum, hsi-ik-ka; see pages 78,79. Signs are used in these texts which may 
be transliterated with either gq or k, but in no case is a sign used requiring q, whereas 
there are many cases where k is the only transliteration possible. Cf. JAOS Vol. 36, p. 
417f, for the suggestion by Professor Haupt that the verb Sardku is related to Arabic 


“ 


« = ‘‘to thank,’’ ‘‘to praise.’’ The term iskaru, see note 77, may be the Assyrian 


= 


representative of this Arabic root. That Sardku and iskaru are related to one another 
by transposition is not unlikely. 
"Cf. BE Vol. X, p. 63, note. 


10 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES - RESEARCHES V-2 


value in determining the position and function of the sirkitu, and 
this material forms the nucleus of this discussion. The writer has 
not had access to the autographed texts of Volume VII of YBT’, but 
Dr. Tremayne kindly permitted the use of his excellent dissertation, 
Temple Records from Erech, Reign of Cyrus, submitted to Yale 
University in 1919, and furnished the references to the sirkutu in 
his Cambyses texts, so that the original tablets in the Yale Baby- 
lonian Museum might be consulted. 

It has been thought best to preface the discussion of the material 
in YBT with a treatment of that furnished by other Collections. 
At the close a survey, both lexicographical and general, has been 
given. The customary indication of the numbers of the lines in 
texts has necessitated translations which at times deviate from the 
English idiom.?* In the transliterations the usual terms have been 
used for determinatives, such as al = city, f = feminine, kz = place, 
mat = country, m=masculine, me, mes=plural, nar = canal, 
river, etc. However, d = deus, dea, has been used for i, tlat, = 
god, goddess, and h = homo has been used for amél = man, the 
determinative before terms denoting occupations, professions, 
officials, ete. 

Though there are some references to the sirkitu outside of 
Erech, the majority of the texts deal with the sirkutu connected with 
Hanna, the great temple in Erech, whose prominent deity was the 
goddess Ishtar, also called Innina of EXrech, Bélit (1. e., Lady) of 
Erech, and Nana. | 

The writer wishes to acknowledge his deep indebtedness to Pro- 
fessor A. T’. Clay for incentive and valued aid in the preparation 
of this monograph, to Dr. Archibald Tremayne for the privilege of 
incorporating the related material of his volume in this discussion, 
and to Dr. E. M. Grice for assistance in gathering data. 


*a In cases like StrNbn 945, page 15, REN 150, page 73, YBT Vol. VII 2, page 71, ete., — 
where the names of son and father appear with the term Sirku coming after the father’s 
name, the son is the Sirku referred to, as is proven by YBT Vol. VII 44 and 73, pages 
52 and 53. See also HRETA 111, page 18. Even without this proof uncertainty need 
not exist, since there are texts like LCE 106, page 19, and REN 224, page 36, which 
indicate that the offspring of members of the Sirkatu belonged to the order. 


CONTENTS 


PRELIMINARY Discussion 


Texts in the British and Berlin Museums 


Fragmentary quotations from certain texts.............eceeees 
mepeieat Dicks to, be paid by.a Sirk... cs ccc cect cece teens 
imeaent OF money to. be paid by a Sirku..... ccc eee ww ce cee 
One sirku becomes surety for amother.............cccc cee eeeee 


Texts in the Pennsylvania University Museum 


Record of an amount of money owed a Sirku...... 2... ccc eee eee 
Rental of a house partly owned by a female Sirku............... 


Texts in the Nies Babylonian Collection 


Provision for the return of a sirku to the temple............... 
Stipulation that a woman shall return her two sons to the temple. . 
List of persons dedicated to Ishtar for the Sirktitu.............. 
Document concerning the temple guard in Erech............... 


Texts in the Goucher College Babylonian Collection 


Responsibility for guarding the temple assumed by three men.... 
Dedication of a man to Ishtar, the goddess of Erech............ 
Dates and wool received by the chief Strku........ ccc ce eee ee 
Be IPEE COTA OMAR SIC ears ores oo wise ns ode bo v0 swe ss eine ol e's 
I CIVEN LO TNE SITE OL DE]. oo ee ee te tea eee nees 
Flour delivered to the sirké who drew an official’s ship.......... 
Reference to the table of the Sarkiitu .... ccc ccc cece eee cence 
Barley supplied to the sirké sent to an official.................. 
Wine given to workmen, artisans and members of the sirkiitu.... 
Ppmreneree White BEAL Of 8 StU. ove else cc eens ee ete eee 
Additional references to the Sirkttu ....... ccc ccc ease eeeesees 


Text in the Collection of L’H cole des Hautes Etudes 


A son of a Sirku acquitted of a ten year claim and given as a Sirku 
CLE GSTIES ep ts Bia RNa iy rs a goa eae nr 


Principat Discussion 
Texts in the Yale Babylonian Collection 


Dedication of two sons to the Sirkiliu.... ccc ccc ewe tenes 
Slave marked with a star and dedicated to Ishtar............... 
Investigation of the status of a man whose grandmother had been 

Se ALCCN Us I Slitatpria fe PoP ie vais cite fog eer oe ee wa eee ahs 
Record concerning a female slave that had been branded and dedi- 

CCR IEOP VAIL Uae aang NTR rely Wale haw weer ua a wale see Dele at 
Testimony concerning the star mark upon a woman’s hand....... 
Pe eC OC aLh EBN LATS Stet car tae cele ove alecils OG. pe Gee's sale bale 
Record of the adoption of offspring by a Sirku....... cc ec eee ee 
Determination of the status of two brothers as members of the 

PAE Ue ee nhs ce tia ee SEH 2 ane ere ae CO Bre ORT 
Legal transference of two daughters to two women.............. 
Testimony by a son that his mother was a member of the Sirkiitu. . 


28 


12 


YALE ORIENTAL SERIES - RESEARCHES V-2 
Page 
Record concerning the sale of a female Sirku..........2-.0ee0es 45 
Five members of the sirktitu placed at the disposal of an indi- 

VU UIAL a5 5.2 Fo \ 5s a Noel ees eo edna lve oe hw oc ote (ene aes ee 45 
Provision for harvesting TOCAS.! 5s ei 'va'c do 6 ois sists see Seka ee ea nee 46 
Record concerning Sirké sent to Erech by Gobryas oS ee eee 47 
Bail- given for a Siri). sn... oais wwe mes see a oe 49 
Bailment of a female Sirkus i055. sos cco 4 elm ge & vie eee 50 
Oath taken that a Sirku will be delivered to the temple officials.... 51 
Responsibility assumed for the return of a Sirku...........e00%- 52 
Provision for the return of a fugitive Sirku .........0cccccevece 53 
A Sirku becomes responsible for forty Sirké......... 0. cece eee 54 
Two sirké become responsible for fifty Sirké............. 00 ewes 50 
Record concerning a runaway shepherd and a Sirku............4. 56 
Two Sirké testify concerning another member of the order........ 58 


Provision for bringing five workmen, including a Sirku, to Babylon 59 
Agreement to furnish testimony concerning a Sirku guilty of mis- 


CEMCANOTS ©... ee sa ale sore ou ete Cana e ott nese 60 
Record concerning a runaway Sirku, .:........, <.. ss see 61 
Court record concerning the flight and capture of a sirku........ 63 
Oath taken by four sirké that they will perform a certain task.... 65 
Association with a female sirku prohibited............0cceeeee: 65 
Association with a female sirku prohibited..............-....00- 66 
Entrance into a wine house prohibited...............e.ceeeee- 66 
A female sirku fatally injured by a dog...........ecccccscoees 67 
A Sirku performs a religious act. ..............4 0s. seen 68 
Members of the sorkiitu act as fowlers.............cccccccveeee 69 
Rental of a house belonging to a Sirku....... cece ecw cee wees 71 
Document concerning the slaves of a Sirku..........cccecee veces 71 
Promissory note in which a Sirku is interested..............+00- 72 
Lease of land from Belshazzar by a Sirku............. eV: 13 
Lease of land from temple officials by a Sirk oo. 2s. de a 74 
Money given to a chief Sirku............ sas 200s Se ee 74 
Miscellaneous references to the Sirkiitu.......ccceccccccceccecs 15 

Concubine Discussion 
Tabulation of terms derived from Sardku........c.c cece ccceces 78 
Tabulation of terms derived from PA-KAB-DU = Sariku....... 79 
Tabulation of terms derived from zaki............c00ccecceces 80 
Phrases used to denote the dedication of a Sirku...........0008. 80 
Phrases used to denote the marking of a Sirku............00008. 81 
Discussion of the meaning of kakkabtu, arratu and rittu........ 82 
Discussion of the meaning of Samdatu and Sindu.............000. 83 
Parallels to the practice of marking the Sirkiitwu..............05. 86 
Biblical instances of a belief in a sacred mark.................- 87 
Summary of facts concerning the sirkitu..... aces ale sate 88 
Resemblance between the Sirkitu and the Nethinim............. 90 


Index of Texts. oi. Ny Sei S ee ee eee a ees Ere ob cal teenie eet 


PRELIMINARY DISCUSSION. 


An early clue of etymological significance for the sirktitu came to 
light in two of Rawlinson’s masterly volumes,’ viz., the equation 
PA-K AB-DU* = Saréku. The verb saraéku with the meaning ‘‘to 
give,’’ ‘‘to present,’’ had wide use in Assyrian and Babylonian 
literature.5 Proper names were compounded from the same root.® 
These observations form a necessary introduction to the discussion 
of the following texts. 


Texts in the British and Berlin Museums. 


Fragmentary quotations from certain texts, some partially 
mutilated, furnish an initial glimpse of the nature of the sirkitu. 

SirNbn 842 :6—"Sa-pi-i-kal-bi "Sirku(PA-KAB-DU) Sa 48amas, ‘‘Sha-pi- 
kalbi, a Sirku of Shamash.’’ 

VS VI 100:3—"Ba-la-tu apil-su sa “I-ba-a "si-rik 4Nabu, ‘‘Balatu, the 
son of Iba, a sirku of Nabii.’’ 

StrNbn 958: 2 t4Banitu(- tw)-dan-na-at fsir-kat Sa 4Samas, ‘*Banitu- 
dannat, a female sirku of Shamash.’’ 


SirNbn 33 :4—A-na "sirké(PA- tale TRU Ore San TACO Obs te et tie oe b 
plone sine of Lugal...).65...6.06. 

StrNbn 1129 :7—Kurummaté" "st-ra-[ku]™........0065 , ‘The food of 
members of the sirkiitu............ de 

StrNbn 842 :2-4—2 ........ ma-na 10 Siqil 3......... kaspi sa ™La-kip 
WOUPIE Ae acc w+ « are se mina 10 shekels 3 ........ of silver of 
Peni GS 4... es ee 


SirNbn 976:9, 16—1 gur SE-BAR kurummaté*™ rab Sirki(PA-KAB- 
DU), ‘‘1 kor of barley, the food of the chief sirku.’’ 


‘II £19, 40a; V # 51, 22a. 

‘Cf. DISGI p. 72f. HmlSL p. 214, gives the shorter form PA-KAB. Cf. hPA-KAB- 
ti-tu, REN 80:16, fPA-KAB-tum, YBT Vol. VII 60:2, and wruki SAG-PA-KAB-GA, RUL 
129:31. 

'See references under Sardqu in Hwb and CD. 

°Cf. Sirik, Siriktu, Sirikki, Sirku, Sirik-dNaba, Siriktum-dMarduk, in TlqNB; Sirku, 
BRM Part 8, 79:4, 6; and Siriktum-AZAG-SUD, LCE 169:24; YBT Vol. VII 44.5; 
179:1, 9. Tallqvist in TlgNB transliterates Siriq, ete. 

™See note 89. 


14 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES -RESEARCHES V-2 


StrNbn 1010:11; 1037:7—1 gur kurummaté*™ "rab sim-ki,® ‘‘1 kor, the 
food of the chief sirku.’’ 

SirCyr 74:8—1 gur kurummaté™ "rab $1-1s-ku,® ‘‘1 kor, the food of the 
chief sirku.’’ 

StrNbn 234 :6, 7—6 Ri-ht 7 kaspi Sa 1-di bitati” sa "s-ra-[ku], ‘‘6 The 
balance 7 of the silver of the rent of the sirkitu houses.”’ 

StrNbk 253 :1-8—1 ....3 gur SE-BAR kurummaté" 2 [']8i-ra-ku Sa sért 
mT'a-qis 3 ["|rab S1-is-ku iddina(-na). ‘‘1 ....38 kors of barley, the food 
2 of the members of the Sirkiitu of the plain, Taqish, 3 the chief sirku, gave.’’ 

SirCyr 288 :5-9—5 ....6 gur SHE-BAR u% 6 ....suluppi a-na 7 [kurum- 
maté]*" hsi-ra-ku 8 [e]-pis dul-lu Sa ina pam 9 “Ba-la-tu api “Eri-ba. 
‘‘s ....6 kors of barley and .... dates for 7 the food of the members of 
the sirkitu 8 performing work, who are at the disposal of 9 Balatu, the son 
of Eriba.’’ 


StrNbn 172 :1-8—1 ™4Samas-ah-id-dan-nu apil-su sa 2 ™?Bél...... a Samas 
hsi-rik *Samas 3 a-na "sa-ab-si-nu-tu.......... ‘‘; Shamash-ah-iddannu, 
the son of 2 Bél..... Shamash, a sirku of Shamash, 3 for sabsinitu®.....’’ 


StrNbk 169 :1-5—1 20 ma-si-hi a-na 2 ma-sil, 8a *Sirké(PA-KAB-DU™) 
3 a-na gimi(ZID-DA) a-na 4 "Balat-su “spar kitt.... 5 nadna(-na), ‘‘r 20 
measures for 2 the measure of the sirké 3 for flour to 4 Balatsu, the weaver 
of cloth.... 5 are given.’’ 

VS VI 148 :5-8—5 “Ni-din-ti mari Sa ™Bél-étir-48amas 6 "3i-rik *Marduk 


*Cf. ZA Vol. 19, p. 417f for discussion of the following equation, hrab PA-KAB-DU = 
hrab Si-is-ku = hrab Sim-ki. See also OLZ March-April 1921, p. 88. Were it not for 
this evidence to the contrary, the reading /rab rik-ki would seem the more natural. Cf. 
BE Vol. XIV, p. 23. As to Arab 5i-i8-ku, Ungnad in Babylonisch-Assyrische Grammatik 
§6h indicates that r becomes § in vulgar usage. Thus Sipirtu changes to sipistu. SirCyr 
332:19, 23 contains the form sim-ki-t-tu, heretofore transliterated hrik-ki-ti-tu. See BA 
IV pp. 32-35 for transliteration, translation and discussion of this text. The record 
deals with a slave, Mushézib-Shamash, sold to Nfir-Shamash in the (?) year of Nabonidus. 
In the 7th year of Nabonidus Nir-Shamash gave Mushézib-Shamash to Burashu, his 
wife, as compensation for her dowry. After the death of Niair-Shamash, Burdshu and 
her second husband first gave Mushézib-Shamash as a pledge for 44 mina of silver and 
then sold him in the 6th year of Cyrus for 1 mina and 50 shekels of silver. In the 8th 
year of Cyrus the wife of the original owner who sold Mushézib-Shamash to Nir-Shamash 
brought a claim for hsim-ki-d-tu and hmdr bané-%-tu against Mushézib-Shamash, which 
was not substantiated because of insufficient evidence. The result was the levying of a 
fine upon the woman who brought the spurious claim. This document is interesting 
because it apparently places hSim-ki-ti-tu on a plane with 4mdr bant-a-tu and hardu-t-tu 
(line 22) as a service liable to be required of a slave. 

"The meaning of hsabsinitu is still uncertain. In line 7 of the same text occurs 
hsa-ab-si-nu-tu qa-ti-tim. 


PRELIMINARY DISCUSSION 15 


Sa kurummaté™” Sarri 7 [a-na] “Se-el-li-bi mari Sa “Iddin--Nabi 8 "nappahi 
e-ti-ir, ‘‘5 Nidinti, the son of Bél-étir-Shamash, a sirku of Marduk, who the 
food of the king 7 [to] Shellibi, the son of Iddin-Nabi, the blacksmith, 
delivered.’’ 


The above brief extracts indicate that the sorkitu was an order of 
men and women connected with various deities, that they rendered 
different kinds of service for which they received food, clothing and 
possibly money, that there were houses owned by members of the 
sirkitu or set apart for their use, and that there was a chief sarku. 
With these general points in mind, more important texts may now 
be considered. 


A debt of bricks to be paid by a sirku. 


SirNbn 648—1 2,000 a-gur-ru makkur 4Samas ina muh-hi 2 ™4Samas- 
mukin-aplu apil-su sa ™Balatu 3 "rab Si-ir-ku Sa 48amas 4 a-Sar ™Musézid- 
IMarduk "Sangt, Sip-par™ 5 mi-is-li i-sab-ba-tu 6 a-gur-ru a-na ™Musézib- 
IMarduk 7 i-nam-din. 

‘“r 2,000 bricks, the property of Shamash, to be paid by 2 Shamash- 
mukin-aplu, the son of Balatu, 3 the chief sirku of Shamash. 4 Wherever 
Mushézib-Marduk, priest of Sippar, 5 takes the measurement, 6 the bricks 
to Mushézib-Marduk, 7 he shall give.’’ 


We may conclude from this record that the chief sarku of 
Shamash in Sippar had been able to secure a loan of 2,000 bricks 
from the supply belonging to the temple of Shamash. Evidently 
the bricks were borrowed for some urgent building operation out- 
side the temple precincts. This indicates that a sirku could have 
interests apart from his duties as a devotee of adeity. The temple 
insured itself against loss by stipulating that one of its priests 
should supervise the payment of the debt. That a sirku could take 
part in an important commercial transaction reveals the fact that 
the order was not entirely debarred from the ordinary transactions 
of life. 

A debt of money to be paid by a Sirku. 

StrNbn 945—1 1 1/2 ma-na kaspi sa “Itti--Marduk-balétu 2 apil-su sa 
m4iNabi-ahé"aiddin apil “H-gi-bt 3 ina muh-hi ™La-ba-a-si apil-su sa 
4 4 Bél-ri-su-a "Si-rik...... 5 Saiarli ina muh-hi 1 ma-m-e 6 1 Sigil kaspi 


16 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES - RESEARCHES V-2 


ina muh-hi-su 7 i-rab-bi ina Y*Kislimu 8 kaspém 1 1/2 ma-na% 9 hubulla- 
Su i-nam-din. 

‘ry 1 1/2 minas of silver belonging to Itti-Marduk-balatu, 2 the son of 
Nabfi-ahé-iddin, son of Egibi, 3 to be paid by Labashi, the son of 4 Bél- 
Trisha, Sines ae 5 Monthly upon 1 mina 6 1 shekel of silver against it 
7 shall increase. In the month Kislev 8 the silver amounting to 1 1/2 minas 
and g its interest he shall pay.’’ 

Lines 10-14, which are not entirely clear, are followed by the names of 
three witnesses and the scribe. Dated in Babylon, the 12th of...... , the 
15th year of Nabonidus. 


This document is in the usual form of a note promising to pay a 
debt with interest. It indicates that a swrku could make a legal con- 
tract on the same terms as those granted to individuals who had not 
been dedicated to a deity for special service. 


One sirku becomes surety for another. 


SirCyr 281—1 ™4Bél-étir-4Samas 'si-rik 4Samas Sa 2 ”™?Marduk-sum-iddin 
hanga Sippar™ ina bit karé™® 3 si-me-ri-e parzilli id-du-us-su 4 ™?Samas- 
di-num-épus(-us) *Si-rik ‘amas 5 ina la-2et-tu H-4Babbar "Sangée™@® 6 & 
Sibitime® Gli pu-ut-su [ina gat] 7 ™*Marduk-sum-iddin *Sangi Sip-par™ 
1s-Si-ma 8 si-me-ri-e parzilli ip-tur-su ki-i 9 ™¢Bél-étir-4Samas a-na a-Sar 
Sa-nam-ma. to it-tal-ka ™4Bél-di-num-e-pu-us 11 dul-lu sa ™?Bél-étir-4Samas 
a-na eli 12 dul-lu-su vp-pu-us. 

‘‘; (With reference to) Bél-étir-Shamash, a Sirku of Shamash, whom 
2 Marduk-shum-iddin, a priest of Sippar, in the storehouse 3 into iron chains 
east, 4 Shamash-dinum-épush, a Sirku of Shamash, 5 in the lazitu*® of 
f-Babbar, the priests, 6 and the elders of the city, his responsibility from 
7 Marduk-shum-iddin, a priest of Sippar, assumed and 8 from iron chains 
loosed him. When 9g Bél-étir-Shamash to another place 10 has gone, Bél- 
dinum-épush, 11 the work of Bél-étir-Shamash in addition to 12 his own 
work shall perform.”’ 

Names of three witnesses and the scribe. Dated in Sippar, the 3d of 
Adar, the 7th year of Cyrus. 


*The term ina la-zi-tu is unusual. One would expect a term like ina pani. Arabic 
a means ‘‘in the presence of,’’ but there are consonantal difficulties in accepting it 


as the etymological equivalent of lazttu. The writer is indebted to Professor Ember for 
the suggestion that lazitu may be a term similar to lapdni, with zitu as a form from 
zimu — ‘‘features,’’ ‘‘face.’? Of. BA Vol. III p. 483f; BR Part II p. 76; KBB p. 58. 


PRELIMINARY DISCUSSION 17 


In the first place, it must be noted that Bél-dinum-épush in line 
10 is apparently a mistake for Shamash-dinum-épush as the name 
is written in line 4. The undoubted purport of the context requires 
this correction. A highly interesting situation is depicted in this 
document. A s¢rku who had been cast into chains, presumably on 
account of some delinquency or criminal act, was set free at the 
interposition of another sirku who agreed to assume the work of 
the released sirku in addition to his own in case of violated bail. 
Thus a sirku could not neglect his own work in assuming the duties 
of another, which proves that the work of the temple was carefully 
divided among the members of the sarkiuitu on the basis of strict 
accountability. 


Texts in the Pennsylvania University Museum. 
Record of an amount of money owed a sirku. 

BE Vol. VIII 24—1 6 1/2 siqil kaspi 1/2 siqlu pit-qa 2 sa ™*Nabt-a-lik- 
pant *$i-18-ki 3 Sa 4Bél ina muh-hi “In-s1-ru apil-su 4 sa ™*Marduk-ériba apil 
™f-sag-gil-a-a 5 f¢Bénitu(-tu)-sul-lim-an-m rab...... 6 mas-ka-nu a-di 
PN OHINET-O1. ce ee 

‘*r 6 1/2 shekels of silver in half shekel pieces(?) 2 belonging to Nabi- 
alik-pani, a sirku 3 of Bél to be paid by Lishiru, the son 4 of Marduk-ériba, 
son of Ksaggila. 5 Banitu-shullimanni, the chief........ , 6 as pledge until 
Ene monty Nisan (for) the rent(?).................. 

A number of lines have been destroyed. The names of a few witnesses 
and the scribe appear at the end. Dated at Babylon, the 14th of second 
Elul, the 41st year of Nebuchadrezzar. 


This document indicates that a sirku could possess money and 
could give it as aloan to a person outside the order. The sirku had 
the right to protection by a written contract the same as any other 
individual. 

Rental of a house partly owned by a female sirku. 

BE Vol. VIII 104—1 Bitu sa “Silt-B-zi-da apil-su 2 sa ™¢*Nabé-st-zu-bu- 
an-m api "Si........ 3 & fBu-’-i-tum "sim-ki 4 a-na i-di biti ina pane 
m™Ni-din-tum 5 apil-su sa ™Ba-zu-zu apil "Rab-enzt 6 Sa Sattr 4 1/2 Siqil 
kaspi pist(-%) 7 1-dt biti ™Ni-din-tum i-nam-din 8 ina lib-bi 2 Sigil kaspr 
pist(-“) i-dt...... 9 fBu-’-i-tum ina gat 10 “Ni-din-tum ma-hi-tr-tum. 


18 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES - RESEARCHES V-2 


‘‘y The house of Silli-Eizida, the son 2 of Nabi-shizubuanni, son of 
eee ie ,3 and Bu’itum, a (female) sirku, 4 for the rent of the house is 
at the disposal of Nidintum, 5 the son of Bazuzu, son of the Rab-enzi. 
6 Yearly 4 1/2 shekels of pure silver 7 as the rent of the house Nidintum 
shall give. 8 Of it 2 shekels of pure silver as rent...... 9 Bu’itum from 
10 Nidintum has received.’’ 

Names of six witnesses. Dated at Borsippa, the 3d of Adar, the 28th 
year of Darius. After the date appear some additional regulations. 


This brief record makes an interesting contribution concerning 
the sirkitu because it shows that a female sirku could be joint owner 
of a house with a man who was not a member of the order. The 
female sirku is not referred to as the wife of the man. Whether 
any other relationship existed between the two cannot be deter- 
mined. The document shows that women who were members of the 
sirkitu had commercial rights and privileges. 


Texts in the Nies Babylonian Collection. 
Provision for the return of a Sirku to the temple. 


HRETA 111—1 Umu 1% sa “%Arahsamnu Ssattu 444" ™Ku-ras Sar Bab- 
ik 2 Sar matati “4¢Marduk-apal-usur apil-su sa “Musézib-4Marduk 3 apil 
mAmél-"Ba “Ga-la-la "Sirku(PA-KAB-DU) 4 Sa *Bélit Sa Uruk” ib-ba- 
kam-ma ina B-an-na 5 1-nam-din ki-i la 1-tab-ku 6 ul-tu muh-lbi i-mu a 
mGa-la-la 7 *sirku(PA-KAB-DU) Sa 4Bélit sa Uruk* 8 ina pa-ni-su Satti 
9 4,000 a-gur-ru is-kar-Su 10 a-na 4Bélut Sa Uruk™ i-nam-din. 

‘“y On the 1st day of Marchesvan, the 4th year of Cyrus, king of Babylon, 
2 king of countries, Marduk-apal-usur, the son of Mushézib-Marduk, 3 son 
of Amél-Ka, Galala, a Sirku 4 of the Bélit of Erech, shall bring and in 
Kanna 5 shall deliver. If he does not bring (him), 6 from the time when 
Galala, 7 a Sirku of the Bélit of Erech, 8 was at his disposal, yearly 9 4,000 
bricks as his iskaru** 10 to the Bélit of Erech he shall give.’’ 

Names of three witnesses and the scribe. Dated in Erech, the 19th of 
Tishri, the 5th year of Cyrus. 


That a Sirku could be placed at the disposal of an individual out- 
side the temple is clearly indicated by this text. At times the sirkitu 
of a certain temple may have grown to such numbers that there was 
a lack of work for all members of the organization. Under such cir- 


4See note 77. 


PRELIMINARY DISCUSSION 19 


cumstances the temple authorities would be willing to allow a sirku 
to work for an ordinary citizen of the community with the proviso 
that the sirku should be returned at a stated time. In the above 
document a fine to be paid in bricks at the rate of 4,000 annually 
is imposed for the full period of service by the Sirku if his tem- 
porary master is delinquent in meeting his stipulated obligation. 
In the first line of the text the scribe probably meant to write the 
7th (or 5th) instead of the 4th year of Cyrus. The document is 
dated in the 5th year of Cyrus and the provision for a fine to be 
paid at an annual rate indicates that the contract may have 
involved a number of years. 


Stipulation that a woman shall return her two sons to the temple. 


LCE 106—1 A-di imu 20" Sa bAbu Sattu 7’ ™Ky-ras 2 Sar Babi 
Sar matatt fE-mug-tum 3 assat ™Na-di-nu "Sirku(PA-KAB-DU) 4Innina 
Uruk™ 4 ™Ri-mut u ™4*Na-na-a-iddin méré”®-Su 5 "Sirké(PA-KAB-DU™) 
Sa *Bélit Sa Uruk* ta-ab-kam-ma 6 a-na ™4Nabi-mukin-aplu *satammu 
B-an-na 7 apil-su sa ™Na-di-nu apil ™Da-bi-bi u ™*Nabii-ah-iddin 8 "Saqé 
Sarri "bél pi-qit-tum B-an-na 9g ta-nam-din “E-til-lu apil-su sa 10 ™B-an- 
na-sum-lisir api "DU-ZU 11 wu ™Samas-napistim (-tim)-usur apil-su sa 
maSqmas-GAL-LU-lu-mur 12 api ™Ki-din-“*Marduk pu-ut fE-mug-tum 
13 na-su-u istén(-en) pu-ut Sani(-1) na-su-n. 

‘‘r By the 20th day of Ab, the 7th year of Cyrus, 2 king of Babylon, 
king of countries, Emuqtum, 3 the wife of Nadinu, a sirku of Innina of 
Erech, 4 Rimit and Nana-iddin, her sons, 5 sirké of the Bélit of Erech, 
shall bring and 6 to Nabti-mukin-aplu, the administrator of Eanna, 7 the 
son of Nadinu, son of Dabibi, and Nabié-ah-iddin, 8 the chief officer of the 
king, the chief overseer of Eanna, 9 shall give. Etillu, the son of 10 Eanna- 
shum-lishir, son of “DU-ZU, 11 and Shamash-napishtim-usur, the son of 
Shamash-GALLU-limur, 12 son of Kidin-Marduk, are responsible for 
Emugtum. 13 The two bear one responsibility. ’’ 

Names of three witnesses and the scribe. Dated in Erech, the 5th of 
Ab, the 7th year of Cyrus. 


The above document reveals the following facts. A man, who 
was a Sirku, married a woman who did not belong to the order.1!* 
“alt should be noted, however, that /sirku in line 3 may possibly be in apposition with 


fE-muq-tuwm instead of with mNa-di-nu. Cp. fBu-’-i-tum hsim-ki, BE Vol. VIII 104, 
line 3. 


20 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES - RESEARCHES V-2 


Their two sons were affected by the status of the father, 1. e., they 
were members of the sirkitu. This assumption is more probable 
than that their relation to the deity was determined by a special act 
of dedication. REN 224 indicates that the status of the offspring 
of a member of the sirkitu was automatically determined. Evi- 
dently the sons of a sirku were included in the organization even if 
their mother was not a similar devotee and, furthermore, their 
mother had no claim upon them over that of the temple. In this 
case a mother was allowed to take her two sons from the temple 
for 15 days, i. e., from the 5th to the 20th of Ab, with the definite 
provision that they were to be returned to the officials of the 
temple at the end of that time. Complete dependence was not 
placed upon the woman’s promise to do this as is shown by the fact 
that the temple required that two men become surety for her. It is 
evident that the strictest care was taken to protect the temple’s 
claim upon the sirkitu. 


List of persons dedicated to Ishtar for the sirkitu. 


HRETA 182 :1-7; 42-44—1 An-nu-tum "pu-qu-da-a-a §a ™4Nabi-u-Se-2ib 
mar ™A-[a-di] 2 a-na muh-hi-su-nu id-bu-bu uwm-ma at-tu-t-a at-tu...... 
3 Su-nu ig-bu-nis-si um-ma “Sar-ukin % ™4Sin-ahé”’-ériba 4 a-na 4Innina 
Uruk™ u 4Na-na-a id-dan-nu-na-a-su 5 a-na tar-si ™4ASssur-ah-iddin hur- 
Sa-an it-ti ™*Nabi-i-se-zib mar ™“A-a-di 6 i-li-ku-t-ma iz-ku-nim-ma 
md A ssur-ah-iddin a-na "Innina Uruk 7 % ™4Na-na-a %-2ak-ki-Su-nu-tu 
OP-HO-M8 occ ccce ecu cwn see eta te es ee es Gees 5 te cece len 
42 napharu 28 1 sabémes *yu-qu-da-a-a sa ina hur-sa-an izg-ku-ni 43 an-nu- 
tum "pu-qu-da-a-a Sa abé”% -su-nu a-na Innina Uruk® 44 % 4Na-na-a a-na 
hsirkitu (PA-KAB-DU-i-tu) id-di-nu-su-nu-tu. 

‘‘r These are the puqudd** concerning whom Nabii-ushézib, the son of 
Adi, 2 announced as follows: ‘As for me, ...... ’ 3 They themselves said 
as follows: ‘Shar-ukin and Sin-ahé-ériba 4 to Innina of Erech and Nana 
gave us.’ 5 Into the presence of Asshur-ah-iddin (in) the mountains 


“Cf. hpa-qu-di-e, LCE 169:14, hpa-qu-du, YBT Vol. VII 137:2,3, and hpi-qu-da-a-a, 
REN 183:14. CD p. 822 suggests ‘‘mayor’’ as the meaning for hpagidu. Langdon in 
Expository Times Vol. XXX No. 10, p. 462, translates ‘‘inspector.’’ Scheil in RA 
Vol. 17 No. 2, 1919, p. 113 translates ‘‘policiers.’’ The term evidently refers to persons 
entrusted with the duty of taking care of other than private affairs or property. Cf. 
Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradies? pp. 238ff. 


PRELIMINARY DISCUSSION 91 


together with Nabi-ushézib, the son of Adi, 6 they went and became free 
and Asshur-ah-iddin to Innina of Erech 7 and Nana afterwards dedicated 
Sg Ce ga sale se pis xiv ale «8 tie dine vidw nw ee wadleaniewcees 
42 Total, 28 workmen (see note 49), the puqudd, who in the mountains 
became free. 43 These are the puqudd whom their fathers to Innina of 
Erech 44 and Nana for the sirkiitu gave.’’ 


This undated document is a unique record of the dedication of a 
number of persons to the sirkutu. The grand total mentioned in 
line 62 is 44. Lines 8-27 are badly mutilated. Lines 28-41 and 
45-60 contain the names of the persons dedicated. If the whole text 
were intact, it would be less difficult to determine all the cireum- 
stances connected with it. However, the statement that the indi- 
viduals were dedicated by their fathers is illuminating. 


Document concerning the temple guard in Erech. 

LCE 169—1 ™4Samas-id-ri-’ "qi-i-pi sa Larsa® 2 ™8i-lim-ilu "Saqt Sarri 
amélu sa muh-li qu-up-pu 3 “Ardi-*Marduk apil-su sa "Zéri-ia apil ™H-gi-bi 
4”? Marduk-sum-usur apil-su sa ™¢Bél-uballit (-1¢) apil “Bu-u-su 5 ™4Nabi- 
bél-su-nu apil-su sa ™Na-di-nu apil ™Ah-’-t-tu 6 ™4Nabi-bél-su-nu apil- 
Su Sa ™4Bél-ah-ti-sub-% apil ™“Amél-4Ea 7 ™Mu-Se-21b-4Bél apil-Su sa 
™Ba-lat-su api ™Amél-4Fa 8 ™4Innina-zérrzbm apil-su sa ™Bél-ig-bi apil 
™Ha-nap 9 "mar bam Sa ima pa-m-su-nu ™Nabi-mukin-aplu "satammu 
B-an-na to apil-su sa ™Na-di-nu apil ™Da-bi-bi u ™4Nabi-ah-iddin 11 *Saqt 
Sarrt "bél pi-qit-tum B-an-na a-na ™4Samas-ah-iddin apil-su Sa 12 ™4S§a- 
mas-sum-iddin apil “Qurdi--Anum u ™?R-a-kur-ban-m 13 apil-Su Sa 
m4N abt-étir-napsati”= apil ™4H-a-kur-ban-m 14 "pa-qu-di-e sa Uruk* 
ig-bu-u 15 um-ma ki-i ma-as-sar-tum Sa H-an-na 16 tus-nam-sa-ra-’ 
hsirké(PA-KAB-DU™®) [di|-ka-’-a-ma 17 ma-as-sar-tum t-ti-ku-nu li-ts- 
sar-ru 18 ™4Samas-ah-iddin u ™h-a-kur-ban-mi iq-bu-% 19 wm-ma ma-as- 
sar-tum Sa B-an-na ul ni-na-as-sar 20 % "Sirké(PA-KAB-DU™@) ul mi-di- 
tk-ki 21 kit "sirké(PA-KAB-DU™%) a-na ma-as-sar-tum Sa qab-lu dlr 
22 id-di-ku-% hi-tu sa ™Gu-bar-ru "pahat Babih™ 23 u ™*H-bir nari i-sad- 
da-du® 24 "dupsarru “Si-rik-tum--AZAG-SUD apil-su sa ™Ba-la-tu 

8Scheil in RA Vol. 17 No. 2, 1919, p. 113f, transliterates i-mad-da-du and compares 
the use of madddu— ‘‘to measure’’ with the use of "y=? in Isaiah 65:7. That the 


reading is i-Sad-da-du is indicated by bi-tu Sa Sarri i-Sa-ad-da-ad, REN 151:17. Cf. also 
YBT Vol. VII 50:11. With this should be compared bi-tu Sa Sarri i-zab-bil, REN 


22 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES - RESEARCHES V-2 


25 Uruk* orbKislimu tmu 17 *™ sattu résté sarritc 26 “Kam-bu-2t-ia Sar 
Babili™ sar matate. 

‘‘y Shamash-idri’, the governor of Larsa, 2 Silim-ilu, the chief officer of 
the king in charge of the (revenue) chest, 3 Ardi-Marduk, the son of Zéria, 
son of Egibi, 4 Marduk-shum-usur, the son of Bél-uballit, son of Bitsu, 
5 Nabii-bélshunu, the son of Nadinu, son of Ah’ttu, 6 Nabt-bélshunu, the 
son of Bél-ah-ushubshi, son of Amél-Ka, 7 Mushézib-Bél, the son of Balatu, 
son of Amél-Ka, 8 Innina-zér-ibni, the son of Bél-iqbi, son of Hanap, 9 mar 
bani, in whose presence Nabii-mukin-aplu, the administrator of Hanna, 
10 the son of Nadinu, son of Dabibi, and Nabi-ah-iddin, 11 the chief officer 
of the king, the chief overseer of Hanna, to Shamash-ah-iddin, the son of 
12 Shamash-shum-iddin, son of Qurdi-Anum, and Ea-kurbanni, 13 the son 
of Nabi-étir-napsati, son of Ea-kurbanni 14 the guardsmen of Erech, spoke 
15 as follows: ‘When a watch of Kanna 16 ye watch, summon the Sirké and 
17 let them keep guard with you.’ 18 Shamash-ah-iddin and EKa-kurbanni 
replied 19 as follows: ‘The watch of Kanna we will not keep 20 and the 
Sirké we will not summon.’ 21 If the sorké for the watch of the center of 
the city 22 are summoned, a sin against Gobryas, the governor of Babylon 
23 and the District beyond the River, they will commit. 24 Scribe, Shirik- 
tum-AZAG-SUD, the son of Balatu. 25 Erech, the 17th of Kislev, the 
accession year of 26 Cambyses, king of Babylon, king of countries.’’ 


The importance of this text is indicated by the fact that transla- 
tions of it have already been published by Scheil'* and Langdon.'® 


108:11, 12, hi-ti Sa Sarri ta-zab-bil-la-’, AENP 101:9, 10, and.la ba-bil i-it-ti, Sechs- 
seitiges Thonprisma Sanheribs, Col. ITI, line 6. 
The use of babdlu and zabélu—‘‘to carry’? with Pitu=‘‘sin,’’ ‘‘trespass,’’ 


‘‘rebellion,’’ as the object is analogous to the use of Hebrew 220 . Note D n My) 


22D! Nt, Isaiah 55:11, and 4 73D DANY, Lamentations 5:7. The more common 
idiom NOM NY J also conveys the idea that sin or guilt is a burden to be borne, 
literally, lifted up. A similar view is presented in the Quran, Sura 29:12, in the follow- 


ve WwW 


ing statement: rales) ee she SN et Thus Sadddu = ‘‘to draw,’’ ‘‘to pull’? seems 


to be used in the above passage in a sense of dragging a burdensome load, i. e., the 
guilt of a sin that has been committed. See PSBA, 1916, p. 29, lines 8-10, for expression 
bitu ----- inamdin. 

“See reference to R.A quoted in note 13. 

“Expository Times Vol. XXX No. 10, July 1919, pp. 461-463, article on Babylon and 
‘The Land beyond the River.’ Langdon translates hPA-KAB-DU mes ‘‘libation bearers. ’? 
He has evidently taken the meaning from sardqu — ‘‘to offer a libation’’ instead of 
from Sardku (or Sardqu) = ‘‘to present,’’ ‘‘to offer.’’ 


PRELIMINARY DISCUSSION 23 


Scheil entitles the document Procés-verbal d’un refus d’obéissance, 
while Langdon surmises that its contents refer ‘‘to some unknown 
political disturbance in Eirech on the death of Cyrus and the succes- 
sion of Cambyses.’’ It is apparent that this tablet is a record of 
a controversy between the officials of Hanna, the temple of Ishtar in 
Erech, and the guardsmen or police officers of EKrech. The former 
asked the latter to summon the sirké for the temple guard and the 
latter refused to do so. In evident retaliation it was prohibited 
that the sirké should be mustered for guarding the center of the 
city. A severe penalty was imposed in case of infringement. 
These proceedings intimate that the temple officials had a right to 
expect co-operation from the guardsmen of the city and that the 
latter could be penalized if they refused obedience. Particularly 
interesting is the fact that members of the sirkitu were liable to be 
summoned for guard duty. We may presume that their primary 
obligation in this capacity was to the temple, but the city also 
depended upon them for a similar service, at least in emergencies. 
That the sirké could be mustered by city officials suggests that the 
operations of the order were not confined to the precincts of the 
temple, but that some of its activities brought it within the scope of 
municipal authority. The document under discussion shows that 
this authority was delegated by the temple, but that it was not 
always accepted by those in charge of civil affairs, the reason for 
which must be left to conjecture. The following text throws addi- 
tional light upon this incident. 


Texts in the Goucher College Babylonian Collection. 


Responsibility for guarding the temple assumed by three men. 


AENP 1038—1 Pu-ut ma-as-sar-tum Sa E-an-na 2 ™Pir-’ apil-su sa ™B-an- 
na-sum-ibmi 3 ™Ba-la-tu apil-su sa ™In-nin-zér-iddin 4 wu ™Ardi-4In-nin 
apil-su sa ™4Bél-ahém@rddin 5 na-su-u% "Si-ra-ku Sa ina qa-bal-ta ali 6 Sa 
hSatammu u ™Nabi-ah-iddin a-na ma-as-sar-tum 7 Sa H-an-na 18-tu-ru- 
u-ma 8 id-di-nu-nis-su-nu-tu 1-di-tk-ku-nim-ma 9 ma-as-sar-tum Sa li-mit 
B-an-na 10 i-na-as-sa-ru Sa i-na ma-as-sar-ti-su 11 1-Se-el-lu-u [v-tu Sa 
mGu-ba-ru 12 "pahat Babi u E-bir nari 1-sad-dad. 


24. YALE ORIENTAL SERIES. RESEARCHES V-2 


‘‘y The responsibility of the watch of Hanna, 2 Pir’, the son of Eanna- 
shum-ibni, 3 Balatu, the son of Innin-zér-iddin, 4 and Ardi-Innin, the son of 
Bél-ahé-iddin, 5 assume. The members of the Sirkitu, which are in the 
midst of the city, 6 whom the administrator and Nabi-ah-iddin for the 
watch 7 of Kanna appointed (literally, wrote) 8 and gave, they shall summon 
and g the watch of the environs of Hanna to they shall keep. Whoever in 
his watch 11 is slack, a sin against Gobryas, 12 the governor of Babylon 
and the District beyond the River, will commit.’’ 

Names of three witnesses and the scribe. Dated in Erech,............ ‘ 
the accession year of Cambyses. 


It can hardly be doubted that this document is connected with the 
preceding one. Both are dated in the accession year of Cambyses. 
An unfortunate break in the Goucher tablet renders the decipher- 
ment of its exact date impossible, otherwise their correct chrono- 
logical sequence might be determined. If the documents pertain 
to the same administrative difficulty, one is inclined to regard the 
Goucher tablet as a legal contract drawn up immediately after the 
events recorded in the Nies tablet. Upon the failure of the guards- 
men of Erech to accede to the request of the temple officials, the 
latter would naturally devise other means to carry out their plans. 
Three men were secured who assumed the responsibility for mus- 
tering the members of the sirktitu from the midst of the city who 
had been specially selected for guarding the temple. The same 
penalty was to be imposed in case of negligence, i. e., some punish- 
ment appropriate for a crime committed against the Persian gov- 
ernor. This text is a further illustration of the importance 
attached by the temple to the proper performance of the functions 
of the sirkiitu. 


Dedication of a man to Ishtar, the goddess of Erech. 


AENN 361—1 “La-a-ki-pi Sa ™Ardira 2 apil ™4Nergal-nasir bélu-su 
3 a-na *Sirktitu(PA-KAB-DU-t-tu) 4 a-na “Bélit 8a Uruk™ 5 id-di-nu-us 
6 tb Addaru imu 8 sattu 78a 9 INabi-na’id Sar Babila™. 

‘*r Lakipi, whom Ardia, 2 the son of Nergal-nasir, his lord, 3 for the 
Sirkitu 4 to the Bélit(i. e., Ishtar) of Erech 5 gave. 6 The 8th of Adar, 
the 7th year of 7 Nabonidus, king of Babylon.’’ 


PRELIMINARY DISCUSSION 25 


The value of this document lies in the fact that it shows that the 
temple kept a careful record of the dedication of each individual to 
its particular deity. Such systematic attention to details indicates 
that the sirkitu was well-organized. 


Dates and wool received by the chief sirku. 

AENN 38—1 1 pi 24 qa suluppi 27 ma-na sipaté*” 3 “Balat-su "rab sir-ki 
4a-na si-di-ti-Su ittasi(GIS)® 5 7“%Nisannu imu 5” 6 Sattu 18"9" 7 4Naba- 
kudurri-usur sar Babili™, 

“1 1 pi 24 ga of dates 2 7 minas of wool 3 Balatsu, the chief sirku 4 for 
his sustenance received. 5 The 5th of Nisan, 6 the 18th year of 
7 Nebuchadrezzar, king of Babylon.’’ 


The existence of a chief sirku has already been demonstrated.1* 
The document under discussion records that articles for food and 
clothing were given to this official. It may be presumed that there 
were regular stipends to meet the various necessities of all mem- 
bers of the sirktitu, with the probable exception of those that were 
temporarily placed at the disposal of outside individuals. It is 
likely that the latter were taken care of by those who had the 
advantage of their service. 


Garment given to a sirku. 

AENN 161—1 1 ™“#KUR-RA™® 2 Sa a-na 8 ma-na Sipaté" 3 na-Sa-’ 
4 a-na ™*Bél-e-te-ru 5 "sim-ki na-din 6 *Tebétu imu 94m 9 Sattu 386 (2) kam 
8 *Nabt-kudurri-usur 9g sar Babili™. 

“‘; 1 KUR-RA garment, 2 which for 8 minas of wool 3 is brought, 4 to 
Bél-éteru, 5 a Sirku is given. 6 The 9th of Tebet, 7 the 36th(?) year of 
8 Nebuchadrezzar, 9 king of Babylon.’’ 


The temple authorities apparently kept themselves thoroughly 
posted as to the needs of individual members of the sirkiitu. The 
above document indicates that a garment was brought to the temple 


Numerous texts in GCBC indicate that GIS = nasd. Cf. AENN 405:4-7; 72:6-10; 
and 36:7,10. For a full discussion see AE NN, Introduction, p. 20f. 

“Cf. StrNbn 643:3; 976:9, 16; 1010:11; 1037:7; StrNbk 253:3; StrCyr 74:8. 

eubat KUR-RA may refer to some rough or heavy garment for use in altitudes above 
the plain, as a common meaning for KUR-RA is Sadi = ‘‘mountain.’’ 


26 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES - RESEARCHES V-2 


in exchange for wool, whereupon the garment was delivered to a 
sirku who was in need of it. Cf. NIE 73 :4-7. 

The following excerpts from Goucher texts furnish further evi- 
dence of this practice and add in other ways to our knowledge of the 
surkutu. 


Flour given to the sirké of Bél. 


AENN 401—1 30 qa qi-mu Sa a-na 2 "3irké(PA-KAB-DU™) Sa “Bél 3 Sa 
a-na eli alpé”’ 4 Sap-ru-nu id-di-nu 5 ™Zér-bi-b1 malur(-r). 

‘“r 30 ga of flour which to 2 the Sirké of Bél, 3 who concerning oxen 4 are 
sent, they gave, 5 Zerbibi received.’’ 


Flour delivered to the sirké who drew an official’s ship. 


AENN 72:2-5—2 ...... gi-mu Sa a-na 3 5 "Si-rak sa “elippa 4 Sa 
hsatammi i-du-du-% 5 na-din. 


be ieee flour which to 3 5 members of the Sirkitu, who the ship 4 of 
the administrator drew, 5 is given.”’ 


The reference here may be to men on the bank of a stream pulling 
a ship by means of a rope or to men pulling a ship-wagon in a pro- 
cession.?® 


In connection with these two texts recording the giving of flour to 
members of the Sirkitu, the following passage in AE NN 89:1-3 is 
interesting: ...... gur gimi(ZID-DA) a-na *passiri sa "s-ra-ku, 


WAEHNN 80:1, 2, contains the following: hsdbéme Sa a-na Sa-da-da Sa iselippi Sa si-di-ti 
$a hBANme Sa h8i-rak wu hré’u..... , ‘workmen, or soldiers, which are for the drawing 
of the ship of the provisions of the bowmen of the members of the Sirkitu and shep- 
herds ..... Cf. REN 229:26 for the following: 5 gur a-na hsdbéme Sa tselippa sa 
subatkysiti il-du-ud, ‘5 kors for the workmen who drew the ship of temple vestments. ’’ 
See NKI p. 156 for reference to Schiffswagen. Also consult Zimmern, Zum babylonischen 
Neujahrsfest, p. 44. The Schiffswagen, according to Professor Haupt, was a processional 
ship on rollers used to convey the images of the gods. Cf. article on Purwm, BA VI, 2, 
p. 25, 137; KAT* p. 515,13; Johns Hopkins University Circular, No. 327; Jastrow, 
The Leligion of Babylonia and Assyria, 1898, pp. 653-655. 


PRELIMINARY DISCUSSION Q4 


‘¢...kor of flour for the table of the members of the Sirkitu.’’ 
This seems to indicate that there was a special table for those who 
had been dedicated to the temple as servants.?° 


Barley supplied to the sirké sent to an official. 


AENN 234:1-3—1 1 gur 3 pi 27 qa SE-BAR ir-bi 2 a-na si-di-ti a7 h5i- 
rak™ 3 Sa a-na pam "qi-1-pr Sap-ru. 


**t 1 kor 3 pi 27 qa of barley, the income, 2 for the sustenance of 7 mem- 
bers of the sirkuitu, 3 who to the governor are sent.”* 


Wine given to workmen, artisans, and members of the Sirkittu. 


AENN 235:1-11—1 1 dan-nu Sikaré?"" a-na 2 “agarriitu” sa dul-lu ina 
bit alpé”? ip-pu-su 3 1 dan-nu 18 ga a-na "si-rak™® 4 Sa 4Bél Sa Si-pir-ti Sa 
hsatammi 5 Sa HB-sag-ila a-na eli 6 "BAN a-na pani "qi-i-pi 18-Sui-ni 
7 ta-lam-mu a-na "naggaré” 8 ni-sip a-na "si-rak”? Sa 4Samas 9 18 ga a-na 
hbané(DIM™) to napharu 13 m-sip LAL sikaré*™ 11 ™G1-mil-lu ma-hi-ir. 

‘‘r 1 cask of date wine, for 2 the laborers who perform work in the ox 
stable; 3 1 cask, 18 qa, for the sirké 4 of Bél, who the message of the admin- 
istrator 5 of Ksagila concerning 6 the bowmen to the governor bore; 
7 a talammu for the carpenters; 8 a nisippu for the sirké of Shamash; 
9 18 ga for the builders; 10 a total of 13 msippu lacking of date wine; 
11 Gimillu received.’’ 


VY A 


The Syriac equivalent of passiru, oka , is the term used to designate ‘‘altar,’’ 
“communion table.’’ Cf. Zimmern, Ritualtafeln, p. 94, for evidence that the passiru 
in Babylonian temples was used in connection with sacrificial feasts. The Sirkitu as a 
subordinate class of temple servants may have taken part in the ritual at a table separate 
from the rest of the worshippers. However, passiru in this text may simply refer to 
the ordinary table at which the members of the Sirkitu partook of their meals. 

™Cf. YBT Vol. VII 132:8-11 for an additional instance of the sending of sirké upon 
a special mission. 

™Other references to talammwu as an apparent measure of wine are the following: 
AENN 64:1; 100:1; 118:1; 119:1; 183:1. In all these cases talammu is singular 
and unaccompanied by a numeral. Hence it may be a general term from taldmu = ‘‘to 
present,’’ ‘‘to give.’’ Cf. CD p. 1162. If this derivation is correct talammu Sikari 
would mean ‘‘a presentation of date wine,’’ and this may have attained a technical 
significance. Another possible root is lam#—‘‘to surround,’’ and one may think of 
a vessel as that which surrounds what it contains. Talimu —‘‘companion’’ should also 
be noted. Were the capacities of dannu and nisippu known in terms of ga it would be 
possible to determine the relative size of a talammu. 


98 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES -RESEARCHES V-2 


This itemized receipt of the 38th year of Nebuchadrezzar classes 
members of the Sirktitu with stable men, carpenters and builders. 
At the same time it indicates that serké were used as postmen for 
the purpose of bearing important messages from one official to 
another. 

Reference to the seal of a sorku. 

AENN 125:1-9—1 5 ma-na Sipaté*™" 2 a-na su-’-t-du 3 a-na “Nadina 
(-na)-aplu 4 apil-su sa “Sum-ukin nadna(-na) 5 $a kunukka 6 sa ™4Istar- 
e-du-usur 7 "Sir-ki 8 a-na E-an-na 9g id-di-nu. 

‘‘r 5 minas of wool 2 for su’udu?? 3 to Nadina-aplu, 4 the son of Shum- 
ukin, are given, 5 who the seal 6 of Ishtar-edu-usur, 7 a sirku, 8 to 
Kanna 9g gave. 


This reference to a seal(7'AK-SID) of a Sirku is unique. If a 
seal cylinder is meant, Ishtar-edu-usur must have been a sirku of 
more than ordinary standing, but the full import of the statement is 
not easy to determine. There are additional references to the 
Sirkitu in texts Nos. 96, 101, 204, 247, 326 and 402 of AENP, Vol. 
II of GCCI. No. 101 indicates that sirké performed the work of 
goldsmiths. No. 247:8 contains the phrase a-na bul-lut sa "s1-ra-ku, 
which is further evidence that special provision was made for the 
sustenance of members of the order. 


Text in the Collection of L’Ecole des Hautes Etudes. 

The autographed copy, transliteration, translation and discus- 
sion of this text were published by Scheil in RA Vol. XII, pp. 1-13, 
under the title La lubération judicimre d’un fils. It is a document 
of great value. 


A son of a Sirku acquitted of a ten year claim and given as a sirku to Ishtar. 
i ™Ina-silli-babi-rabi-i "MU apil-su sa ™A-hu-su-nu "Sirku(PA-KAB-DU) 
2 sa Innina Uruk*™ *daiané™’ sa ™4*Nergal-sar-usur Sar Babili™ 3 im-hu-ur 
um-ma io Sanat’ ™A-hu-su-nu a-bu-u-a 4 ku-um 2/3 ma-na 2 Sigil 
kaspt i-na pa-m tA-ha-ta-’ 5 fsa-gi-ct-tum mas-ka-nu ki-t 18-ku-na-an-n 


*The word su’udu may be connected with = ‘‘to sustain,’’ ‘‘to support,’’ ‘‘to 
" ae ’ pport, 


aid.’ 


PRELIMINARY DISCUSSION 29 


a-pal-lah-su 6 fA-ha-ta-’ sim-ta u-bil-Su-ma ar-ki-tam 7 fBa-na-at-ina-B- 
sag-ila ta-ap-pa-qid-ma a-di t-mu an-na-a 8 man-da-at-tw a-na-ad-din-sw 
it-tt fBa-na-at-[ina|-H-sag-ila 9 ip-sa-in-m di-i-ni "daiané™® a-ma-tum 
mI ng-silli-babi-rabi-- 10 18-mu-ma fBa-na-at-ina-EB-sag-ila 1-bu-ku-nim-ma 
II i-na ma-har-su-nu us-zi-iz-zu di-i-ni id-bu-bu-ma 12 di-in-Su-nu %-par- 
[ri]-Su-ma *Ba-na-at-ina-B-sag-ila i§-ta-lu-ma 13 6 Sandtime® pa-la-hu sa 
™Ina-silli-babi-rabi-1 p-la-hu-us 14 1-na eli ram-m-su tu-kin e-lat 4 Sanatimes 
15 sa 1A-ha-ta-’ fsa-gi-it-tum mah-ri-tum ip-la-hi 16 e-sip 20 gur SE-BAR 
Sa e-lat man-da-at-ti-Su ina Satti 20 147 ™4Nergal-Sar-usur Sar Bdabili* 
fBa-na-at-[ina|-L-sag-tla 18 tam-hu-ru-us "daiané™? nikasu Sa kaspi u 
hubulli-su 19 Sa 7A-ha-ta-’ i-pu-su-ma 2/3 ma-na 2 Sigil kaspi-su 20 1-si- 
pu-ma a-na 11/3 ma-na 4 Siqil kaspr w-Sa-az-zi-2zu 21 % mkasu sa man-da- 
at-ta Sa “Ina-silli-babi-rabi-c "MU 22 [ina] 6(?) Sandtim’® a-ki-t qi-bi Sa 
tBa-na-at-ina-B-sag-ila 23 [1]-pu-su-ma 72 gur SE-BAR e-lat 20 gur SE- 
BAR nin-di 24 [Sa] *Ba-na-at-ina-h-sag-ila tam-hu-ru-us 25 [92] gur SE-BAR 
e-lt Ba-na-at-[ina]-E-sag-ila 26 [im]-nu e-sip Sa 4 Sandtime® tA-ha-ta-’ 
27 [fsa|-gi-it-tum mah-ri-tum ip-la-lhwu 28 ...... ku-ma...... su 2 ma-na 
[6|siqil kaspi 29 [e]-lia fBa-[na-at-ina-H-sag-ila] fsa-git-tum im-nu-ma 
30 [ra]-su-tam Sa fA-ha-ta-’ Plsa-git-tum mah-ri-tum 31 i-pu-lu-us % ™Ina- 
silli-babi-rabi-i "Si-ir-ku Sa 32 “Unnina Uruk ittt pa-ni fBa-na-at-[ina]- 
B-sag-ila 33 1-bu-ku-nim-ma a-na 4Innina Uruk id-di-ni 34 di-in-Su-nu 
ad-i-mi a-mat-su-nu gam-rat ma-ti-ma 35 a-na la e-ni-e "daiané™’ dup-pi 
ws-tu-ru 36 i-na kunukké-su-nu ib-ru-mu-ma a-na “Ina-silli-babi-rabi-+ 
ad-d-ni. 


“*r Ina-silli-babi,”* a servant,”> the son of Ahushunu, a sirku 2 of Innina 
of Erech, the judges of Neriglissar, king of Babylon, 3 implored as follows: 
‘For a period of 10 years Ahushunu, my father, 4 for 2/3 of a mina and 
2 shekels of silver at the disposal of Ahata’, 5 a sagittum,?® placed me as a 
pledge, that I should serve her. 6 Fate removed Ahata’ and since then 
7 Banat-ina-Esagila has been in charge, and until this day 8 I have given 
her the payment. (As to my affair) with Banat-[ina]-Hsagila 9 render 

*Ina-silli-babi-rabi-i might be read Ina-silli-abulli, as KA-GAL —abullu. However, 
the 7 after GAL seems to point to the former pronunciation, as Scheil suggests. 

*Scheil regards }MU as standing for hnuhbatimmu = ‘‘baker.’’ While this is not 
impossible, its meaning in this connection may be similar to hqallu. Cf. TlgNB p. 90. 
See note 44. 

%Sa-gi-it-twm, variant writing sa-git-twm in lines 29 and 30, is explained by Scheil as 
a derivative from sagddu or sagdnu, more probably the latter, which is connected with 
1D = ‘‘governor.’? However “J 1D — ‘‘to fall own in adoration,’’ ‘‘to prostrate 


oneself in idol worship,’’ is very suggestive. 


30 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES .RESEARCHES V-2 


me a judgment.’ The judges the statement of Ina-silli-babi-rabi 10 heard 
and brought Baénat-ina-Esagila and 11 in their presence they made her 
appear. They pronounced a judgment and 12 gave their decision. Banat- 
ina-Esagila they questioned and 13 the 6 years of service, which Ina-silli- 
babi-rabi served her, 14 she acknowledged as having received (literally, 
established against herself) ; in addition (there were) 4 years 15 during 
which he served Ahata’, the former sagittwm, 16 (and) furthermore (there 
were) 20 kors of barley, which as a supplementary payment from him in 
the 2d year of 17 Neriglissar, king of Babylon, Banat-[ina]-Esagila 
18 received. The judges made the computation of the money and its inter- 
est 19 belonging to Ahata’, and the 2/3 of a mina and 2 shekels of her 
silver 20 they increased and determined (the interest as amounting) to 
11/3 minas and 4 shekels of silver. 21 Also the computation of the pay- 
ment of Ina-silli-babi-rabi, the servant, 22 for 6 years according to the state- 
ment of Banat-ina-Esagila 23 they made and 72 kors of barley, in addi- 
tion to the 20 kors of barley nindi?? 24 which Banat-ina-Esagila received 
from him, (a total of) 25 [92] kors of barley (as having been paid) to 
Banat-[ina]-Esagila 26 they reckoned. Furthermore, as to the 4 years 
(during which) Ahata’, 27 the former sagittum, he served, 28 ........ 
Re CEA PLA A OLA AES » © 2 minas and 6 shekels of silver 29 (as having been 
paid) to Banat-ina-Esagila, the sagittwm, they reckoned and 30 the claim 
of Ahata’, the former sagittum, 31 they declared paid by him. Then Ina- 
silli-babi-rabi, a sirku of 32 Innina of Erech, from the control of Banat- 
[ina]-Esagila 33 they took and gave to Innina of Erech. 34 Their sen- 
tence has been pronounced; their statement is complete. Forever 35 with- 
out change the judges have written a document. 36 With their seals they 
have sealed (it) and to Ina-silli-babi-rabi they have given (it).’’ 

Names of two judges, five witnesses and the scribe. Dated in Erech, the 
11th of Kislev, the 2nd year of Neriglissar. 

At the base of the reverse of the tablet are the seal impressions of the two 
judges. 


This legal document illustrates the following main steps in Baby- 
lonian court procedure: (a) the appeal of the plaintiff; (b) the 
examination of the defendant; (c) the weighing of the testimony; 
(d) the verdict of the judges; (e) the permanent record of the case. 

“The term nin-di is interesting. It also appears in REN 63:1, suluppu nin-di sa 
GIS-BAR, and in REN 32:2, ina nin-du Sa suluppi. Scheil suggests that nindi may 


stand for nidni and translates ‘‘delivery.’’ Cf. nindu = ‘‘measure’’(?), B 4660, and 
Barton, The Origin and Development of Babylonian Writing, No. 187, 11. 


PRELIMINARY DISCUSSION 31 


The facts presented in the record may be simply stated. As 
surety for a loan, a sirku sold his son into virtual servitude for ten 
years to a sagittum, a female official whose function has not been 
fully determined. After four years the original creditor died and 
was succeeded by another who assumed her official position and 
rights, including what remained of the unpaid claim. At the end 
of the ten year period the matter was referred, not to the temple 
authorities, but to the civil court of the king which for some reason 
had jurisdiction over the case. 

Two things had to be determined by the court, the sum total of 
the debt, including the interest for ten years, and the value of the 
service rendered by the son of the sirku during the same period. 
The judges found that the latter was equivalent to the former?® 
and hence the son of the sirku was freed from further service, but 
was given as a Sirku to Innina, i. e., Ishtar of Erech. 

It may be inferred that the father who made the debt had also 
died, as he does not figure in the trial. If he had been alive his 
testimony would have been valuable. Another thing that is a little 
uncertain is the original status of his son. However, the fact 
that he was finally given to the deity indicates what his destiny was 
as the son of a sirku.?* 


The interest on 2/3 mina and 2 shekels for 10 years at 20% (the usual Babylonian 
rate) was 1 1/3 minas and 4 shekels, making a total of 2 minas and 6 shekels. Scheil 
determines that the value of the service rendered per day equaled 6 qa according to 
StrCamb 315 and 379. The amount for 4 years, counting 360 days to a year, would be 
8640 ga or 48 gur. The amount for 6 years would be 12960 ga or 72 gur. There was 
an extra payment of 20 gur in the second year of Neriglissar, making a total of 140 gur 
of barley. The calculation of the judges was that the 140 gur equalled the 2 minas 
and 6 shekels in value. Thus I gur was worth 9/10 of a shekel. Scheil notes that in 
the time of Manishtusu the gur was worth 1 shekel. Hence the variation in price 
amounted to only 1/10 of a shekel in over 2,000 years. 

*saSome doubt must be expressed as to whether Sirkwu in line 1 refers to mIna-silli-babi- 
rabi-t or mA-hu-su-nu. The occurrence of hMU before the expression apil-su Sa may 
indicate that sirku is in apposition with mAhu-su-nu. This difficulty in interpretation 
does not destroy the value of the document as far as the Sirkditu is concerned. There are 
indications that the offspring of a Sirku belonged to the order. Cf. LCE 106 and REN 
224, In lines 31, 32, mIna-silli-bdbi-rabi-i is described as hSi-ir-ku Sa dInnina Urukki, 
No doubt he was potentially, if not actually, a sirku during the ten years of his special 
service, and became a full-fledged member of the order when he was presented to Ishtar 
at the end of that period. Cp. YBT Vol. VII 17:8-14; 66:17-21. Cf. Note 2a. 


32 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES - RESEARCHES V-2 


Though some points may be obscure, this tablet sheds the follow- 
ing light upon the sirkitu. A sirku could borrow money by giving 
his son in the capacity of a slave as security, but a son so pledged 
did not lose all legal rights for he could appeal to the high court 
represented by the judges of the king. A point of great interest 
is the fact that this court recognized the rights of the temple as far 
as the sirktitu was concerned. 


PRINCIPAL DISCUSSION. 


Texts in the Yale Babylonian Collection. 


It will now be in order to present the documents contained in 
REN and RECC, Volumes VI and VII of YBT. These records 
contribute facts concerning the sirkiitu which are all the more val- 
uable because of what the preliminary discussion has revealed. 


Dedication of two sons to the sirkitu. 


REN 154—1 ‘Ba-na-at-In-nin mérat-su sa “¢Nergal-iddin 2 ina puhri 
a-na ™*Nabi-sar-usur "Saqh Sarrt "bél pi-qit-ti 3 R-an-na ™Gab-bi-ilanims- 
Sar-usur 'gi-i-pt sa B-an-na 4 % ™Zéri-ia "Satammu BR-an-na apil-su sa 
™Ib-na-a apil “E-gi-bt 5 tag-bi um-ma ™*Nabi-zér-ukin 6 "mutu-a a-na sim- 
tum it-ta-lak su-un-qa 7 i-na ma-a-ta Sa-kin-ma ™4Samas-ériba & ™4Samas-li-t 
8 maré”*s sa-hir-t-tu kak-kab-ti aS-mit-ma 9 a-na “Bélit §a Uruk* ad-din 
bul-lif-a...... 10 lu-t% "Si-ra-ku Sa 4Bélit Sa Uruk™ su-nu x1 ™4Nabi-Ssar- 
usur "gi-i-pi "satammu "bél pi-qit™’? 12 Sa R-an-na qa-bu-% sa fBa-na-at- 
WTInnina(-na)marat-su sa ”4Nergal-iddin 13 1s-mu-u-ma kurummaté" ul-tu 
B-an-na a-na ™4Samas-ériba 14 u ™4Samas-li’t id-di-nu ™4?Samas-ériba u 
mdSqmas-li’t "Si-ra-ku 15 Sa *Bélit Sa Uruk* Su-nu. 


‘‘r Banat-Innin, the daughter of Nergal-iddin, 2 in the assembly to 
Nabii-shar-usur, the chief officer of the king, the chief overseer 3 of 
Kanna, Gabbi-ilani-shar-usur, the guardian of Kanna, 4 and Zéria, the 
administrator of Kanna, the son of Ibna, son of Egibi, 5 spoke Jas fol- 
lows: ‘Nabd-zér-ukin, 6 my husband, has gone to his fate. Famine 
7 is established in the land and Shamash-ériba and Shamash-li’i, 8 infant 
sons,”® I have marked with a star and g given to the Bélit of Erech. 
As long as they live, 10 let them be members of the sirkitu of the Bélit of 
Erech.’ 11 Nabi-shar-usur, the guardian, the administrator and the 
chief overseers 12 of Hanna the statement of Banat-Innina, the daughter of 
Nergal-iddin, 13 heard and food from Kanna to Shamash-ériba 14 and 
Shamash-li’7i gave. Shamash-ériba and Samash-li’i are members of the 
Ssirkitu 15 of the Bélit of Erech.’’ 

In the presence of the chief officer of Erech. Names of 5 witnesses and 
the scribe. Dated in Erech, the 28th of Adar, the 11th year of Nabonidus. 


” Sa-bir-ti-tu may be regarded as either a plural or abstract form. 


34 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES. RESEARCHES V-2 


The above document describes how a widow in the time of famine 
saved her two little sons from starvation by dedicating them to the 
goddess of Ishtar as members of the sirkiitu for life. In thus sav- 
ing her offspring from death she apparently renounced all further 
claim as a parent. Her renunciation was public and must have 
been an impressive ceremony. The implanting of the mark of a 
star evidently symbolized a complete transference of ownership. 
There is no intimation that a recompense was awarded the mother. 
In Assyrian documents there is a reference to the dedication of two 
daughters to Shamash by their mother, with the stipulation that 
the daughters shall support their mother as long as she lives.®° 
Possibly a widow considered it a great privilege to dedicate her 
children to a deity and some religious merit may have been attached 
to the deed. The dedication of the boy Samuel to Jehovah for life 
was a religious act on the part of Hannah.*} 

History contains no record of the famine referred to in this text. 
Scarcity of food may have existed only in Krech and its environs, 
or the condition may have been prevalent throughout Babylonia. 
It is interesting to note, however, that the temple was well supplied 
with food. But there was no indiscriminate disbursement of sup- 
plies from the sacred storehouse even in the time of dire necessity 
on the part of the people. The temple required an ample return 
for any assistance it rendered. 


Slave marked with a star and dedicated to Ishtar. 


YBT Vol. VII 66—1 fNu-ub-ta-a amtu sa “Néddina(-na)-ahu apil-su §a 
m4dNabi-ahém’-ukin 2 8a taq-bu-t wm-ma ™Nddina(-na)-ahu béli-ia kak-kab- 
tum 3 ki-i 18-mi-tan-m a-na 4| Bélit] sa Uruk™ uz-zak-kan-na 4 ™Nddina 
(-na)-ahu béla-a sim-tum %-bil-Su-ma ™*Samas-zér-usabsi(-81) 5 ahu Sa 
™Nddina(-na)-ahu sa ar-ka-tum “Nddina(-na)-ahu a-qu-% 6 ul-tw dit 
™Nadina(-na)-ahul[i|-bu-kan-m-ma a-na UInnina Uruk 7 la id-di-na-an-mi 
mSy-qa-a-a “Iddina(-na)-?Nabi 8 % ™4Nabt-ah-id-dan-nu maré”®-e-a ina 
bit ™4Samas-zér-usabsi(-si) ti-lid 9 ™4A-nu-Sar-usur "qi-i-pi $a B-an-na 
™iNabi-mukin-aplu 10 "satammu B-an-na apil-su §a ™Na-di-nu apil ™Da- 
bi-bi ™4Nabi-ah-iddin 11 "Saqh Sarri "bél pi-qit-tum R-an-na % "DUB- 


Cf, Johns LCL p. 224. 
aT Samuel 1:24-28. 


PRINCIPAL DISCUSSION 35 


SAR” 12 Sa B-an-na kak-kab-tum sa muh-hi ri-it-ti-Su i-mu-ru 13 4 A-nu- 
Sar-usur "qi-t-pi sa B-an-na ™*Nabi-mukin-aplu 14 "Satammu B-an-na 
m4iNabi-ah-iddin *saqt Sarri “Imassar B-an-na 15 Y"DUB-SAR”™ Sa B-an-na 
tNu-ub-ta-a “Su-qa-a-a 16 "Iddina(-na)-4*Nabt wu ™4Nabii-ah-id-dan-nu 
maréms -Su 17 ina pa-m ™4Samas-zér-usabsi(-8t) ip-qi-du i-mu ma-la 18 Sa 
md Samas-zér-usabsi (-81) bal-tu ta-pal-la-ah-su ul i-sab-bi-ma 19 ™4Samas-zér- 
usabsi(-si) a-na kaspi ul i-nam-din % a-na ardi ul i-hir-r[i] 20. [ar]-ki 
md Sqmas-2ér-usabst(-st) a-na sim-tum it-ta-lak 21 ['Sir-ka]-tum®? pa-m 
4Bélit Sa Uruk* ta-ad-dag-gal. 


“rt Nubta, a female slave of Nadina-ahu, the son of Nabié-ahé-ukin, 2 who 
spoke as follows: ‘Nadina-ahu, my master, when he 3 marked me with a 
star, dedicated me to the Bélit of Erech. 4 Fate removed Nadina-ahu, my 
master, and Shamash-zér-ushabshi, 5 the brother of Nadina-ahu, who 
took possession after Nadina-ahu, 6 from the house of Na&adina-ahu 
took me and to Innina of Erech 7 did not give me. Suqa, Iddina- 
Nabai 8 and Nabt-ah-iddannu, my sons, I bore in the house of Shamash- 
zér-ushabshi.’ g Anu-shar-usur, the guardian of Eanna, Nabé-mukin- 
aplu, 10 the administrator of Hanna, the son of Nadinu, son of Dabibi, 
Nabii-ah-iddin, 11 the chief officer of the king, the chief overseer of Kanna 
and the seribes 12 of Kanna saw the star which was upon her hand. 
13 Anu-shar-usur, the guardian of Eanna, Nabii-mukin-aplu, 14 the admih- 
istrator of Eanna, Nabi-ah-iddin, the chief officer of the king, the keeper of 
Eanna, 15 and the scribes of Kanna placed Nubta, (and) Suqa, 16 Iddina- 
Nabi and Nabii-ah-iddannu, her sons, 17 in the care of Shamash-zér- 
ushabshi. As long as 18 Shamash-zér-ushabshi lives, she shall serve (liter- 
ally, reverence) him. He shall not desire (her), and 19 Shamash-zér- 
ushabshi shall not give (her) for money, neither shall he marry (her) to a 
slave. 20 After Shamash-zér-ushabshi has gone to his fate, 21 she shall 
belong to the Bélit of Erech as a [female sirkw].’’ 

Names of 5 witnesses and the scribe. Dated in (Erech), the 23d of Sivan, 
the 7th year of Cyrus. 


This text indicates that a master could mark his female slave 
with a star and that this act signified dedication to Ishtar. The 
intimation is that a slave so consecrated might remain in her mas- 
ter’s house until his death, unless we suppose that in this case death 
occurred so soon after the consecratory ceremony that the owner of 
the slave was prevented from carrying out his full purpose. The 


™This restoration is made in accordance with REN 224:14, 15. 


36 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES- RESEARCHES V-2 


duty of the slave-master’s brother as heir was to deliver the slave 
to the goddess. Instead of doing this he took her to his own house 
where she bore him three sons. For some reason or other the mat- 
ter was brought to the attention of the temple authorities and 
Nubta, the branded slave, was admitted as a witness. The star 
mark upon her hand confirmed her testimony. The decision was 
that she and her three sons should remain with the brother of her 
former master until he died and then she was to belong to Ishtar. 
Nothing is said as to the disposition of her sons. It is probable 
that they also were claimed by the goddess, as the next text implies. 
The reason for this court trial may have been an attempt on the 
part of Shamash-zér-ushabshi to sell Nubta or to marry her to a 
slave. If such was the case the document represents the successful 
appeal of a member of the sirkitu for justice. 


Investigation of the status of a man whose grandmother had been 
dedicated to Ishtar. 

REN 224—1 ™Na-di-nu "Sa-qu Uruk™ méri-su sa ™Ba-la-tu 2 ™Si-lim-ilu 
hsaqt Sarri amélu Sa muh-li qu-up-pi sa sarrt 3 ™Dajan-ahé = addin 
apil-su sa ™Gi-mil-lu apil "Si-gu-t-a 4 ™Nir-e-a apil-su sa ™Ba-la-tu apil 
m[ddin-4Pap-sukal 5 ™4Bél-ka-sir apil-su sa “Mar-duk apil ™Ki-din- 
IMarduk 6 ™4Nabi-zér-lisir apil-su sa ™Bél-su-nu apil “Ku-rii 7 ™Nabi- 
balat-su-iq-bi apil-su sa "Ib-na-a apil “E-kur-za-kir 8 ™4Nabd-balat-su- 
igq-bi apil-su sa ™Ki-na-a apil ™Hu-un-zu-u 9 “Su-zu-bu apil-su sa “Kudurru 
apil "ré’u gi-m-e 10 "rab ba-ni-i sa ina manzazi-su-nu ™Kur-ban-ni- 
IMarduk 11 "satammu E#-an-na apil-su sa “Zéri-ia apil ™4S8in-da-ma-qu 
% 12 Ilu-ri-man-ni "Sagi Sarri "bél pi-qit-tt B-an-na a-na 13 ™4Samas- 
Sum-iddin u-ki-il-lu um-ma méru sa fSi-lim-4Istar 14 mérat-su 8a 
tHar-si-na-na fsir-ka-tum 15 Sa *Bélit Sa Uruk™ at-ta ™4Samas-Sum- 
iddin igq-bi 16 um-ma fBa-bu-nu mdarat-su sa “Iddina(-na)-4?Marduk 
17 te-e-mu Sa fSi-lim-Tstar ummi-ia % tHar-Si-na-na ummi wmmi-ia 
18 har-sa-at 1-na qati-su hur-sa-a-m "Sa-qu Uruk™ hSatammu B-an-na 
19 uw *Saqh Sarrt Ba-bu-nu 1-bu-ku-nim-ma sum ilanim’® aw Sarri 20 1-na 
pubrv ta-az-ku-ur ki-« a-na-ku kak-kab-ti w ar-ra-a-tum 21 i-na muh-hi 
rit-t1 $a THar-si-na-na fqal-lat Sa ™Nddina(-na)-ahu 22 ali abi-ia ummi 
umm Sa ™4Samas-sum-iddin sa ™Nddina(-na)-ahu ali abi-ia 23 i-na 
pa-na-at Sa tul-la-du a-na "sir-ku-t-tu a-na 24 *Bélit Sa Uruk” u-zak-ku-su 
la a-mu-ru "dupsarru 25 ™Ki-na-a apil-su Sa ™Zi-riia Uruk rbAddaru 
arkt 26 imu 3’ sattu 15% 4Nabi-na’id Sar Babili*. 


PRINCIPAL DISCUSSION 37 


‘*y Nadinu, the chief officer (?)** of Erech, the son of Balatu, 2 Silim-ilu, 
the chief officer of the king in charge of the (revenue) chest of the king, 3 
Dajan-ahé-iddin, the son of Gimillu, son of Shigiia, 4 Niréa, the son of 
Balatu, son of Iddin-Papsukal, 5 Bél-kasir, the son of Marduk, son of Kidin- 
Marduk, 6 Nabi-zér-lishir, the son of Bélshunu, son of Kuri, 7 Nabii-balatsu- 
iqbi, the son of Ibna, son of Ekur-zakir, 8 Nabié-balatsu-iqbi, the son of Kina, 
son of Hunzti, 9 Shizubu, the son of Kudurru, son of the ré’u giné, 10 the 
rab bam, in whose presence Kurbanni-Marduk, 11 the administrator of 
Kanna, the son of Zéria, son of Sin-damfqu and 12 Ilu-rimanni, the chief 
officer of the king, the chief overseer of Kanna, 13 detained®* Shamash- 
shum-iddin on the following charge: ‘Thou art the son of Silim-Ishtar, 
14 the daughter of Harshinana, a female sirku 15 of the Bélit of Erech.’ 
Shamash-shum-iddin replied 16 as follows: ‘Babunu, the daughter of 
Iddina-Marduk, 17 information concerning Silim-Ishtar, my mother, and 
Harshinana, my grandmother, 18 has ascertained. Find out from her con- 
cerning me.’ The chief officer(?) of Erech, the administrator of Kanna 19 
and the chief officer of the king, brought Babunu and the oath of the gods and 
the king 20 in the assembly she swore as follows: ‘The star and brandings 
21 upon the hand of Harshinana, the female slave of Nadina-ahu, 22 my 
uncle, the grandmother of Shamash-shum-iddin, whom Nadina-ahu, my 
uncle, 23 before she gave birth, for the sirkitu to 24 the Bélit of Erech con- 
secrated, I did not see.’ Scribe, 25 Kina, the son of Zéria. LErech, 26 the 
3d day of second Adar, the 15th year of Nabonidus, king of Babylon.’’ 


The purport of this unique court record must be carefully 
studied. It is evident that the temple officials made an effort to 
hold a man for service as a Sirku because of his ancestry. Fortu- 
nately the man was able to refer to a female witness who gave 
important testimony in his behalf. It seems that Harshinana was 
no longer living and thus could not rescue her grandson from his 
predicament. Nadinu-ahu may have been the man mentioned in 
the preceding text. The implications of the controversy are that a 


* The text may be read /Sa-ku or hsa-qi and the meaning is somewhat uncertain. 

“The verb kali, from which @-ki-il-lu may be derived, means ‘‘to hold back,’’ ‘‘to 
detain.’’ However, its usual construction is not with the preposition ana. Hither there 
is an unusual construction in this text or the stem must be sought elsewhere. The verb 
gala, which means ‘‘to speak,’’ ‘‘to call,’’ is also used without ana. It might be used 
here in the sense of making complaint against someone. The context would not be 
violated if either verb were used. See YBT Vol. VII 146:13, 18. 


38 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES- RESEARCHES V-2 


man could be held as a member of the Sirkitu if his grandmother 
had been branded with a star when she entered upon her career as 
a devotee of the temple. In other words, the status of the offspring 
of a branded sirku was affected to at least the third generation. 
On the other hand, it may be assumed from this document that the 
absence of the star mark freed the offspring of a sirku from the 
obligations of the order. It is natural to infer from these circum- 
stances that there were two classes of the sirkitu, one marked or 
branded with the figure of a star and the other unbranded. 


Record concerning a female slave that had been branded and 
dedicated to Ishtar. 


REN 79—1 “4Nabé-Sar-usur "Saqt Sarri "bél pi-git-ti B-an-na 2 ™Gab-b1- 
alanine -Sar-usur 'qi-i-pt B-an-na 3 ”¢Nabi-sum-ukin api-su sa ™*Nabi-étir- 
napsatin apil ™Ba-bu-tu 4 “Sul-lum apil-su sa ™A-hu-lap-ia apil “E-gi-bi 
5 ™Ri-mut-4Bél apil-su sa ™*Nabt-zér-iddin apil "aduppu 6 “Ba-lat-su apil-su 
Sa™Ri-mut apil ™1li’-"Marduk 7™S8il-me apil-Su sa™*Nergal-nasir apil “sparu 
8 ‘mar banin’ Sa ina manzazi-su-nu ™?Bél-uballit (-it) 9 apil-su sa ™“Musal- 
lim-*Marduk apil “Gimil-4Na-na-a 10 ig-bu-% wm-ma fHu-2za-2i-tt 11 *qal-lat 
Sa “ES-étir apil-su Sa “Musallim-“Marduk apil “Gimil-4Na-na-a 12 Sa a-na 
mIbna-a apil-su sa ™*Nabt-étir a-na kaspi na-ad-na-tt 13 ina pa-na-at Sa a-na 
kaspi a-na “Ibna-a tan-na-an-di-nu 14 "Hsi-étir ahu-t-a kak-kab-ti % ar-ra- 
a-ti 15 ina eli *"rit-ti-su it-ta-di u a-na 16 "Sirktitu(PA-KAB-DU-%i-tu) a-na 
IBéelit Sa Uruk™ it-ta-din-su 17 "dupsarru ™Innina-mukin-aplu apil-su sa 
mZ éri-ia Uruk™ 18 *%Addaru twmu 8" sattu 5°” 4Nabi-na’id sar Babil™. 


‘‘y Nabi-shar-usur, the chief officer of the king, the chief overseer of 
Kanna, 2 Gabbi-ilani-shar-usur, the guardian of Eanna, 3 Nabi-shum-ukin, 
the son of Nabii-étir-napshati, son of Babitu, 4 Shullum, the son of Ahula- 
pia, son of Egibi, 5 Rimit-Bél, the son of Nabfi-zér-iddin, son of the ship- 
wright, 6 Balatsu, the son of Rimft, son of Ili’-Marduk, 7 Silme, the son of 
Nergal-nasir, son of the weaver, 8 the mar bani, in whose presence Bél-uballit, 
9g the son of Mushallim-Marduk, son of Gimil-Nana, 10 spoke as follows: 
‘(As to) Huzaziti, 11 the female slave of Eshi-@tir, the son of Mushallim- 
Marduk, son of Gimil-Nana, 12 who to Ibna, the son of Nabi-étir, for silver 
was given, 13 previous to the time when she to Ibna for silver was given, 
14 Eshi-étir, my brother, the star and brandings 15 placed upon her hand and 


PRINCIPAL DISCUSSION 839 


for 16 the Sirkitu to the Bélit of Brech gave her. 17 Scribe, Innina-mukin- 
aplu, the son of Zéria. Erech 18 the 8th day of Adar, the 5th year of 
Nabonidus, king of Babylon.’’ 


The central fact in this document, of which REN 80 is a dupli- 
cate, is the sale of a female slave who had been branded with the 
star mark and dedicated to the sirkutu. After the sale the question 
of the temple’s claim upon the slave seems to have arisen. Lack of 
details prevents a full reconstruction of all the circumstances. The 
conclusion is not inevitable that it was illegal to sell a slave which 
had been dedicated to a deity. Cf., however, YBT Vol. VII 66:19 
for the interdiction of such a sale. The object of the testimony 
may have been to impress the buyer with the fact that his recently 
acquired slave was liable to service in the temple. Or, it is possi- 
ble to imagine, in accordance with the preceding document, that the 
status of offspring, born either before or after the sale, may have 
been at the basis of the controversy. As in many similar records, 
the statement of the witness is not followed by a pronouncement of 
the court. Evidently in certain cases the application of Babylonian 
law was automatic. What was said by way of testimony seems to 
have been sufficient to determine the outcome of the case without 
the recorded ruling of those who sat in judgment or were simply 
present as representatives of the temple. This makes the task of 
the modern interpreter of Babylonian court records more difficult 
than if a greater wealth of details allowed the drawing of surer 
inferences, 


Testimony concerning the star mark upon a woman’s hand. 


REN 57—1 ™Marduk-sum-iddin apil-su sa ™4Nabti-ahém’ -uballit (-1t) 
api “Balatu 2 ™4Bél-tbmi apil-su sa “Bul-lut apil "ba’iru 3 ™Ki-rib-tum 
apil-su sa ™Na-din apil “Ba-bu-ut-tum 4 ™Sil-me apil-su sa ™4*Nergal-nasir 
apil “Sparu 5 ™4Na-na-a-iddin apil-su sa ™4Nabi-bani-ali apil "E-kur-za- 
kir 6 "mu-kin-ni-e Sa ina pa-ni-su-nu 7 ™4Nabi-musétiq-urra apil-su Sa 
MBEl-SU-ML ........ 8 a-na ™Nabi-sar-usur "Saqh [Sarri] 9 "bél pi-qut-tu 
B-an-na ig-[bi| 10 wm-ma ina sattr 35’ 4Nabi-kudurri-usur 11 kak-kab- 
tum ina muh-hi rit-ti Saf...... 12 ‘gal-lat Sa ™4Nabi-musétiq-urra 13 ina 
al§q-da-tu a-ta-mar. 


40 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES- RESEARCHES V-2 


‘¢; Marduk-shum-iddin, the son of Nabié-ahé-uballit, son of Balatu, 2 Bél- 
ibni, the son of Bullut, son of the fisherman, 3 Kiribtum, the son of Nadin, 
son of Babuttum, 4 Silme, the son of Nergal-nasir, son of the weaver, 
5 Nana-iddin, the son of Nabt-bani-abi, son of Kkur-zakir, 6 witnesses, in 
whose presence 7 Nabti-mushétiq-urra, the son of Bélshunu ............ 
8 to Nabi-shar-usur, the chief officer of the king, 9 the chief overseer of 
Kanna, spoke 10 as follows: ‘In the 35th year of Nebuchadrezzar 11 the 
star upon the hand of ............ , 12 the female slave of Nabti-mushétiq- 
urra, 13 in the city of Shadatu I saw.’ ”’ 


Name of scribe. Dated in Erech, the 18th of Adar, the 4th year of 
Nabonidus. 


This legal document furnishes another instance of the determina- 
tion of the length of time a member of the sirkutu had been con- 
nected with the order. The testimony, though brief, indicates that 
the one who uttered it had a good memory, as he recalled what he 
saw in a certain place eighteen years before. Here again the facts 
are too meager to warrant definite conclusions, but it may be 
assumed that the status of offspring was in question, or possibly 
the legality of some intervening transaction was being investigated. 


Slave dedicated to Ishtar. 


YBT Vol. VII 17—1 ™¢Nabi-ahé"@ -bul-lit apil-su sa 2 ™4*Nabi-sum-ukin 
apil "Sangi-4Enurta 3 %tBul-ta-a mérat-su 4 sa ™*Bél-usallim apil ™Kuri-t 
5 assatu-Su ina hu-ud lib-bi-su-nu 6 “Ah-iddin qal-la-Su-nu 7 a-na baldt 
napsatim*-su-nu a-na Ustar 8 id-di-nu-’ ti-mu ma-la 9 “4Nabi-ahé@*-bul- 
lit% to fBul-ta-a bal-tu-nu 11 “Ah-iddin 1-pal-lah-su-nu-tu 12 ina t-mu ina 
Si-mat it-tal-ku-’ 13 “Ah-iddin "sim-ki 14 Sa Ustar 18-Si-u®> 15 $a da-ba-ba 
an-na-a 16 in-nu-t 4A-nu wu UWstar 17 halaga-Su liq-bu-t. 


“1 Nabi-abé-bullit, the son of 2 Nabi-shum-ukin, son of the priest of 
Enurta, 3 and Bulta, the daughter 4 of Bél-ushallim, son of Kuri, 5 his 
wife, of their own free will, 6 Ah-iddin, their slave, 7 for the preservation 
of their lives, to Ishtar 8 gave. As long as 9 Nabi-ahé-bullit and 10 Bulta 
live, 11 Ah-iddin shall serve them. 12 When they have gone to (their) 


ev vs 4 


*The form is-5é-% is difficult to translate. The context requires Sé-% and the scribe 
may have made a mistake. Cf. REN 2:20 for Sa dBélit Sa Urukki $4-4, REN 154:14, 15 
for hsi-ra-ku Sa dBélit Sa Urukki Su-nu, and REN 186:4, 5 for fza-[ki-ti] sa dBélit Sa 
Urukki S1-t. 


PRINCIPAL DISCUSSION 41 


fate, 13 Ah-iddin a Sirku 14 of Ishtar shall be(?). 15 Whoever this agree- 
ment 16 changes, may Anu and Ishtar 17 decree his destruction !’’ 

Names of 3 witnesses and the scribe. Dated in Erech, the 14th of Kislev, 
the 3d year of Cyrus. 


This text shows that the custom existed of voluntarily dedicating 
a slave to the deity with the expectation of divine favor, as the 
expression ‘‘for the preservation of their lives’’ indicates. 
Another interesting feature is the provision that the consecrated 
slave shall serve the man and wife, who own him, as long as they 
live.2® That the contract was inviolable is suggested by the strik- 
ing oath at the close. 


Record of the adoption of offspring by a Sirku. 


REN 2—1 “I Star-sum-lisir apil-su sa ™B-kur-za-kir 2 ina hu-ud lib-bi-su 
2(-ta) KUS" (2?) 3 ina ™*Nabi-ina-ka-a-ri-lu-mur 4 "qal-la-su "Mi-sir-a-a 
5 a-na ™Tstar-ab-usur "qgal-la-su 6 "sir-ku Sa 4Bélit Sa Uruk™ 7 a-na 'méru- 
a-tu id-din 8 man-na at-ta lu-t "Sak-nu 9g lu-% "Sa-pi-ru sa dib-bi 
10 an-nu-tu innt(BAL-%) 4Bél wu 4Nabt 11 4Bélit sa Uruk™ u 4Na-na-a 
12 halaqga-su liq-bu-t 13 ina Satti 5 Sigil kaspi 2(-ta)........ 14 ™4Nabi- 
wma-ka-a-ri-lu-mur 15 a-na ™41star-ab-usur 16 i-nam-din 17 ima u-mu ™4Tstar- 
ab-usur 18 ina Si-ma-ti it-tal-ku 19 ™4Nabi-ina-ka-a-ri-lu-mur 20 sa ¢Bélit 
Sa Uruk™ su-v. 


‘*t Ishtar-shum-lishir, the son of Ekur-zakir, 2 of his own free will two 
offspring (?) 3 from Nabi-ina-kari-limur, 4 his Egyptian slave, 5 to Ishtar- 
ab-usur, his slave, 6 a Sirku of the Bélit of Erech, 7 for sonship gave. 
8 Whoever thou art, whether governor g or administrator, who 10 changes 
this agreement, may Bél and Nabé, 11 the Bélit of Erech and Nana 
12 decree his destruction! 13 Yearly five shekels of silver...... 14 Nabt- 
ina-kari-limur 15 to Ishtar-ab-usur 16 shall give. 17 When Ishtar-ab- 
usur 18 has gone to (his) fate, 19 Nabu-ina-kari-limur 20 shall belong to 
the Bélit of Erech.’’ 

Names of 3 witnesses and the scribe. Dated in Erech, the 10th of Elul, 
the accession year of Nabonidus. 


*Cf. Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. 6, p. 672, for an instance of the 
dedication of a slave to Zeus Basileus and Trophonius with the provision that the slave 
must render 10 years more service to the family dedicating him. Consult Encyclopaedia 
Britannica, Vol. 2, p. 167, for reference to the fact that wealthy Greeks dedicated slaves 
to Aphrodite. Cf. RA 1918, pp. 61-64. See LCH 120. 


42 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES - RESEARCHES V-2 


An unusual expression in this text should be noted. In line 2 
appears 2(-ta) KUS”* where we would expect a term denoting off- 
spring. Possibly KUS = ‘‘skin,’’ ‘‘flesh,’’? ‘‘body,’’ is used 
idiomatically for offspring. This doubtful reading does not throw 
uncertainty upon the import of the document which represents the 
transference of offspring from an Hgyptian slave to a sirku who 
was a slave.27 The master who owned both slaves performed the 
act of transference. The official alteration of the document was 
strictly forbidden and it was stipulated that the Egyptian slave 
should pay a yearly stipend to the serku and should belong to Ish- 
tar, i. e., become a strku, when the sirku died. The main point is 
that a master could have dealings with a slave that had been dedi- 
cated toadeity. At the same time we gain a glimpse of the domes- 
tic life of the sirkutu. A member of that organization could adopt 
children, which means that he could assume legal responsibility. 


Determination of the status of two brothers as members of the Sirkitu. 


REN 116—1 “Ina-B-sag-ila-zér apil-su sa “Sa-pi-4Bél apil ™[ Amél]-¢Ba 
2 ™[m-bi-ia apil-su sa ™Ta-qis-?Gula apil "Ha-nap 3 “Ba-lat-su apil-su sa 
m4Bél-ahém’-iddin apil “Kuri 4 ™Ki-na-a apil-su sa ™Na-din apil 
mDq-bi-bi 5 ™St-la-a apil-su sa “Kudurru apil ™Ri-ma-a-nu 6 *méarémet 
bani-t U-St-uz-2i-Su-nu 7 ™Ban-ia "Sani (-t) Sa “rabi "asaridi 8 “pidna(DA) 
Sa "BAN Sa *rabi “asaridi 9 ina muh-hi sat-ra-tu [su] b-sa-am-ma to ina 
pulri i-su-u-ma “Mu-se-2ib-7Bél 11 wu ™Gi-mil-lu ahu-su "sirké (PA-KAB- 
DU) 12 §a¢Bélit Sa Uruk™ ina lb-bi la Sa-[-at]-ru 13 % ina *pidni(DA) 
Sa *Bélit Sa Uruk*™ it-ti 14 "Sirké(PA-KAB-DU™#) Sq 4Bélit Sa Uruk*® 
Sat-ru 15 “Musézib-"Bél u ™Gt-mil-lu "sirké(PA-KAB-DU™) 16 Sa 4Bélit 
Sa Uruk™ su-nu. 


‘*y Ina-Esagila-zér, the son of Sha-pi-Bél, son of Amél-Ka, 2 Imbia, the son 
of Taqish-Gula, son of Hanap, 3 Balatsu, the son of Bél-ahé-iddin, son of 
Kuri, 4 Kina, the son of Nadin, son of Dabibi, 5 Shula, the son of Kudurru, 
son of Riménu, 6 méré bani, in whose presence 7 Bania, the second officer 
of the noble prince,** 8 the record of the bowmen of the noble prince 
g caused to be in writing and to in the assembly announced as follows: 


"Cf. REN 148:3 for reference to an Egyptian sirku of Nergal. 
“Both GAL and SAG mean prince. The combination evidently means a prince of 
high standing, or chief prince. 


PRINCIPAL DISCUSSION 43 


‘“Mushézib-Bél 11 and Gimillu, his brother, as sirké 12 of the Bélit of 
Erech in it are not recorded, 13 but in the record of the Bélit of Erech 
together with 14 the sirké of the Bélit of Erech they are recorded.’ 
15 Mushézib-Bél and Gimillu are sirké 16 of the Bélit of Erech.’’ 

Name of scribe. Dated in Erech, the 23d of Tammuz, the 10th year of 
Nabonidus. 


A controversy of a different type is presented in this document. 
There was evidently some question as to whether two brothers 
belonged to the sirkitu. The matter was decided by referring to 
the records. It is interesting to find that two records were kept, 
one by the nobility and one by the temple.*® The latter took the 
precedence in cases of dispute. Apparently the two brothers were 
not branded with the symbol of the goddess, as that would have 
made a recourse to records unnecessary. Cf. NLE 17 :40-44. 


Legal transference of two daughters to two women. 


REN 129—1 fHa-an-na-’ fza-ki-ti sa ¢Bélit 8a Uruk 2 ga kak-kab-ti 
Se-en-di [sab]-ti Sa fBu-’-i-tt 3 marat-su sa “Sa-pi-1-4Bél assat ™Zér-ukin 
4 rit-ti Sa fIna-4Na-na-a-ul-ta-ra.......... 5 wu fIna-qat-4Na-na-a-Sa-kin 
mératims-su 6 tal-tu-ru "maré........ messq, [Sa-tal-ru 7 sa fHa-an-na-’ Sa 
kak-kab-ti Se-en-di 8 Sa Sa-ta-ri Sa rit-ti Sa maratim*-su_g Sa isténit (-tt) a-na 
fBu-’-i-ti W 10 Isténit(-it) a-na fIn-’-4-du-*Na-na-a 11 Sa-at-ra i-mu-ru. 


‘‘r (With reference to the fact that) Hanna’, a consecrated one of the 
Bélit of Erech, 2 of the star mark, the prisoner of Bu’iti, 3 the daughter of 
Sha-pi-Bél, the wife of Zér-ukin, 4 the hand(mark) of Ina-Nan4-ultara 
een 5 and Ina-qat-Nana-Sakin, her daughters, 6 wrote, the mdré...... 
of the writing(?) 7 of Hanna’, of the star mark, 8 as to the writing of the 
hand (mark) of her daughters, 9 of one to Bu’iti ro and the other to Li’udu- 
Nana, 11 the writing saw.’’ 

In the presence of 8 persons. Name of scribe. Dated in Erech, the 9th 
of Tishri, the 8th year of Nabonidus. 


The unusual terms in this document are za-ki-ti and kak-kab-t 
Se-en-di. The explanation of these terms in the concluding discus- 
sion*° determines their meaning as given in the translation. Hanna’ 

°*Cf. AENN 361 for an interesting example of the record of the dedication of a single 


individual to the Sirkitu. HRETA 132 records the dedication of 44 persons. 
“See pages 81 ff. 


44 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES - RESEARCHES V-2 


was a female Sirku, marked with Ishtar’s symbol. The reading 
sab-ti is not entirely certain, but it is rendered probable by the cir- 
cumstances recorded in the tablet. (Cf. YBT Vol. 137:8, 9.) As 
one held in some kind of restraint by Bu’iti, Hanna’ would be likely 
to relinquish one of her daughters in her favor and this is borne out 
by the facts. The idiom used to denote the act of transference is 
rittu....sataru. The document, difficult to translate on account 
of involved phraseology, furnishes an instance of a member of the 
Sirkitu exercising some control in the disposal of offspring. That 
is, the daughters of Hanna’, even though she was undergoing 
some form of detention, were not disposed of without her legal 
acquiescence. 


Testimony by a son that his mother was a member of the sirkiitu. 

REN 186—1 "¢Nabi-a-[sa-rid] api-su Sa fKul-[la-a] 2 fea-[ki]-ti sa 
a-na ™4Nabi-sar-usur 3 "sagt Ssarri ig-bu-4 um-ma 4 7Kul-la-a ummu-a 
feqa-[ki-ti] 5 sa *Bélut Sa Uruk™ 4 a 6 a-na bit "sirki(PA-KAB-DU) te-te- 
ru-ub 7 %bAb imu 10% sattu 7 am 8 4Nabi-na’id Sar Babili™. 

‘‘r Nabi-asharid, the son of Kullé, 2 a consecrated one, who to Nabt- 
shar-usur, 3 the chief officer of the king, spoke as follows: ‘4 Kullé, my 
mother, is a consecrated one 5 of the Bélit of Erech and 6 into the house 
of a Sirku she has entered.’ 7 The 10th of Ab, the 7th year of 8 Nabonidus, 
king of Babylon.’’ 


This document is a simple statement made by a man to a high 
official without the usual group of witnesses. The circumstances 
that caused the statement are not indicated. The man’s mother 
may have been recreant in her duties as a member of the Sirkitu or 
her status may have been in question for other reasons. It is diffi- 
cult to believe that the status of the man himself was to be deter- 
mined by his own testimony, or that his statement represents his 
dedication of his mother to the deity. The words appear more like 
the report of an accomplished fact. The document recording the 
consecration of this woman may have been missing, thus necessi- 
tating dependence upon this unusual means of verification. The 
reference to a bit "sirkz is interesting.*? 

“See page 82. 


“This may mean that there were special quarters for female members of the Sirkittu. 
See note 129. Cf. Hammurabi Code 110 for reference to the convent of votaries. 


PRINCIPAL DISCUSSION 45 


Record concerning the sale of a female sirku. 


YBT Vol. VII 91—1 Duppi mahir(KI-LAM) fTab-lu-tu amti sa 
maNergal-ah-iddin 2 fsirkatum (PA-KAB-DU-tum) Sa ¢4Bélit §a Uruk" Sa 
f adAk-ka-du-ri-sat 3 mérat-su Sa ™Ri-mut i-na satti 10%" ™4Nabi-na’id 
4 it-ti ™Itti-4Samas-balatu apil-su sa ™4Nergal-ah-iddin 5 te-pu-su Sa 
md Bél-ahéms -ériba apil-su sa ™Ri-mut 6 ahu sa f “Ak-ka-du-ri-sat i8-sa- 
am-ma 7 pulbru i-mu-ru. 


‘“r The document of the price of Tablutu, the female slave of Nergal-ah- 
iddin, 2 a female sirku of the Bélit of Erech, which Akkadu-rishat, 3 the 
daughter of Rimit, in the 10th year of Nabonidus 4 with Itti-Shamash- 
balatu, the son of Nergal-ah-iddin, 5 made, which Bél-ahé-ériba, the son of 
Rimtt, 6 the brother of Akkadu-rishat, brought and 7 the assembly saw.’’ 

Names of 5 witnesses and the scribe. Dated in Erech, the 13th of Tam- 
muz, the 6th year of Cyrus. 


It seems that there was some controversy as to the status of a 
female sorku who was sold 13 years prior to the date of this docu- 
ment. The brother of the woman who bought the female sarku 
from the son of her owner produced the original record of the sale 
as evidence to the assembly of the temple that the transaction had 
acutally taken place. The presumption is that the temple had 
retained a record of the contract but that it had become lost. The 
duplicate, given to the woman who was a party to the contract and 
who carefully preserved it for 13 years, decided the case in her 
favor. 


Five members of the sirkiitu placed at the disposal of an individual. 


REN 56—1 f4Na-na-a-ki-si-rat Sa-hu-un-du 2 mérat-su ™Tu-da-nu apil- 
Su Sa ™Sumu 3 fNu-ub-ta-a fBu-ra-su-sa-si-zib 4 napharu 5 "a-me-lut-ti 
fSir-ki-a-ta 5 Sa ™Enurta-ah-iddin "asaridu a-na 6 4Bélit Sa Uruk v-zak- 
ku-u 7 ina pa-m “Bél-Su-nu apil-su sa ™A-hu-na-a ....du. 


‘*y Nana-kishirat, Shahundu, 2 her daughter, Tudanu, the son of Shumu, 
3 Nubta, Buradshu-sha-shizib, 4 in all, 5 female slaves, female sirké, 5 whom 
Enurta-ah-iddin, the prince, to 6 the Bélit of Erech consecrated, 7 are at 
the disposal of Bélshunu, the son of Ahu-na..du.’’ 

Names of 5 witnesses and the scribe. Dated in Erech, the 4th of Elul, the 
Ath year of Nabonidus. 


46 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES- RESEARCHES V-2 


This brief record indicates the temple’s power to place members 
of the sirktitu, dedicated by a prince, at the disposal of another 
individual. It may be inferred from this that the sirkutu repre- 
sented a larger body of servants than was required by the temple 
and that a man who wished to accomplish a certain work might 
make requisition for some of them. On the other hand, Bélshunu 
may possibly have been in the temple’s employ. He is referred 
to, however, as a private individual, and the fact that a record of 
the transaction was made shows that the members of the Sirkitu 
passed, at least temporarily, from the temple’s control. No surety 
is provided for their return to the temple and no limit of time is 
indicated. Hither Bélshunu was a man of great trustworthiness 
or he was privileged to use the slaves indefinitely. Another 
unusual feature of the document is the fact that Tudanu, one of 
the five domestics referred to as female sirké, was a man and may 
have been a eunuch. 


Provision for harvesting reeds. 


YBT Vol. VII 172—1 “Kal-ba-a apil-su Sa ™*Nabi-ri-man-ni % 2 20 "Stirké 
(PA-KAB-DU™#) sa 4Innina Uruk* ina "MU Sa KIL alpi Sa Sarri 3 §a ina 
pam ™Kal-ba-a ™4Samas-zér-iddin ™4In-nin-zér-ibni 4 u ™Nadina(-na)-aplu 
a-di imu 20%" Sq *%bArahsamnu 5 gandtime’ Sa ina "*Tak-ki-ri Si-i-hu Sa 
UInnina Uruk™ 6 is-si-di? uw qanati® e-si-du U-Se........ 7 1-2ab-bil-ma 
ina bab *Tak-ki-ri 8 ina muh-li ""Sippar™ a-na 9g dul-lu sa ekalli Sa Sarri 
a-na 10 ™4Nabi-ah-iddin "Saqh Sarri 11 "bél pi-qit-tum L-an-na [i-nam]-din 
12 ki-i la t2-zi-bil-ma la id-dan-nu 13 li-tu sa ™Gu-ba-ru "pahat Babili™ u 
E-bir nari 14 i-Sad-da-ad qanatim’ ina "”Tak-ki-ri ul u-mas-[Sar]. 


‘ry Kalba, the son of Nabi-rimanni and 2 20 sarké of Innina of Erech from 
the servant of the ox-stable** of the king, 3 who are at the disposal of Kalba, 
Shamash-zér-iddin, Innin-zér-ibni, 4 and Nadina-aplu. By the 20th day of 
Marchesvan 5 the reeds which are in the river Takkiri, the sthu*® of Innina 


“This is the first occurrence of the present tense of the verb esédu = ‘‘to harvest,’’ 
““to eut off.’ 

“hMU sa KIL alpi. It seems unlikely that MU should have the value hnubatimmu = 
‘‘baker’’ in this expression. A meaning similar to fAqallu = ‘‘servant’’ would be 
expected. Cf. TiqNB p. 90. KIL primarily refers to something enclosed. Hence 
hMU Sa KIL alpi seems to refer to a ‘‘servant of the ox enclosure or stable.’’ 

“Situ may be connected with Sihu = ‘‘to grow tall.’’ This reference seems to be to 
a high growth of bushes as Hebrew fyi» suggests. 


PRINCIPAL DISCUSSION | 47 


of Erech, 6 he shall harvest and the reeds of the harvest he...... 7 shall 
bring and in the mouth* of the river Takkiri 8 upon the river Sippar for 
g the work of the palace of the king to ro Nabii-ah-iddin, the chief officer of 
the king, 11 the chief overseer of Eanna, he shall deliver. 12 If he does not 
bring and deliver (them) 13 a sin against Gobryas, the governor of Baby- 
lon and the District beyond the River 14 he will commit. He shall not leave 
the reeds in the river Takkiri.’’ 

Names of 3 witnesses and the scribe. Dated in Erech, the 7th of Mar- 
chesvan, the 4th year of Cambyses. 


This document reveals the fact that 20 members of the sorkitu, 
detailed for work in the king’s ox-stable, were placed at the dis- 
posal of four men, one of whom, Kalba, was to take the sirké for 
the purpose of gathering reeds for the king’s palace. The reeds 
were not to be left in the stream where they were gathered but were 
to be delivered at the point where that water course emptied into the 
Sippar river. The time limit and the penalty provided indicate the 
importance of the task to be performed. 


Record concerning sirké sent to Erech by Gobryas. 


YBT Vol. VII 70—1 ”4Nabi-mukin-aplu "Satammu EB-an-na mari-su sa 
™Na-di-nu 2 mér ™Da-bi-bi & ™*Nabt-ah-iddin "Saqt sarri "bél pi-qit-tum 
B-an-na 3 a-na ™Gi-mil-lu mari-su Sa ™4In-nin-sum-ib-mi "Sirku(PA-KAB- 
DU) 4Innina Uruk™ 4 ig-bu-t um-ma "Sirké(PA-KAB-DU™) Sa "Innina 
Uruk” Sa arki a-mir-tum 5 1-na qi-ba-a-ta “Gu-ba-ru 'pahat Babili™ a 
mak bir nari 6 at-ta & "¢Adad-sar-usur "MU bit hi-ri "bél pi-qit-tum 7 Sa 
™Gu-ba-ru i-na Satti 8’ ™Ku-ra-as Sar Babili™ Sar matati ta-bu-ka-nim-ma 
8 1-na pa-n-1-m tap-qi-du uw a-na pam “Gu-ba-ru ta--al-li-ku g mi-nu-% 
™Gu-ba-ru te-e-me a-na muh-li-su-nu is-kun-ka 10 qi-ban-na-an-na-si-ma 
m-pu-us ™Gi-mil-lu iq-b1 wm-ma mimma 11 [tel-e-ma ™Gu-ba-ru a-na muh- 
hi-Su-nu ul is-ku-na-an-na 12 [Sa] "sabé”? sa a-bu-kam-ma u-kal-li-mu-ku- 
nu-si dul-lu 13 ina B-an-na li-pu-st a-di eli Sa te-e-me 14 Sa “Gu-ba-ru 
a-na muh-hi-su-nu ta-sim-ma-dm 15 "sabé? Sa ina lib-bi-su-nu ul-tu si-me-ri 
ap-tu-ru-ma 16 pu-us-su-nu*" as-su-t a-ki-t “pidni(DA) sa UInnina Uruk 
17 pu-us-su-nu a-na la ha-la-qa na-sa-a-ka. 


“Babu seems to be used in this context in the sense of a river’s mouth. 
“Py-us-su-nu stands for pu-ut-su-nu. The same form occurs in AENN 63:14. 


48 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES - RESEARCHES V-2 


‘¢y Nabii-mukin-aplu, the administrator of Kanna, the son of Nadinu, 
2 son of Dabibi, and Nabi-ah-iddin, the chief officer of the king, the chief 
overseer of Eanna, 3 to Gimillu, the son of Innin-shum-ibni, a Ssirku of 
Innina of Erech, 4 spoke as follows: ‘With reference to the sirké of Innina 
of Erech, whom after the amirtum*: 5 at the command of Gobryas, the gov- 
ernor of Babylon and the District beyond the River, 6 you and Adad-shar- 
usur, the MU bit hiri, the chief overseer 7 of Gobryas, in the 8th year of 
Cyrus, king of Babylon, king of countries, brought and 8 placed in our 
charge and (then) went to Gobryas, 9 whatever decree Gobryas imposed 
upon you concerning them, 10 let us know and we will execute (it).’ Gi- 
millu replied as follows: 11 ‘Gobryas imposed no decree whatsoever upon me 
concerning them. 12 As to the workmen (see note 49) whom I brought and 
showed you, 13 let them perform work in Kanna until the time when 14 you 
have determined the decree of Gobryas concerning them. 15 As to the 
workmen whom I loosed from chains from among them and 16 for whom 
I became responsible, according to the record of Innina of Erech 17 I am 
responsible for them against flight.’ ’’ 

Names of 2 chief officers of the king, 5 witnesses and the scribe. Dated in 
Erech, the 15th of Marchesvan, the 8th year of Cyrus. 


Interesting facts concerning the sirkitu are presented in this 
document. Certain members of the order had been placed at the 
disposal of Gobryas, the high representative of the Persian gov- 
ernment in Babylonia. It is not stated whether Gobryas demanded 
the workmen or whether they were offered by the temple. Gimillu, 
a sirku of some importance, was apparently in charge of the com- 
pany of sirké serving Gobryas and was particularly responsible for 
those whom he had released from their chains in order that they 
might perform this special work. At the conclusion of the task 
Gobryas returned the sirké to the officers of the temple in Erech 
in care of Gimillu. The surprising fact is that the temple authori- 
ties were at a loss to know what to do with the returned sirké and 
asked whether Gobryas had given any instructions concerning 


*Tt is possible to derive the word amirtum from amdru = ‘‘to see,’’ ete. This 
derivation is supported by StrCyr 292:1-3, hsabémes hal-qu-tu % mitu-t-tu §a ina a-mir-twm 
Sa hqi-i-pi la a-mar, ‘‘ Runaway and dead workmen who at the inspection of the governor 
were not seen.’’ If arki a-mir-tum means ‘‘after the inspection,’’ amirtum may refer to 
some sort of inventory of the Sirké before they were sent back to Erech by Gobryas. 


PRINCIPAL DISCUSSION 49 


them. This careful attitude on the part of the officials in Erech 
points to an attempt on their part to co-operate most assiduously 
with the foreign régime of the period. On the other hand, the fail- 
ure of Gobryas to send immediate instructions indicates that he left 
certain matters, at least temporarily, to local jurisdiction. 

The latter part of the document presents the unusual spectacle of 
a Sirku giving advice to his superiors, 1. e., that the sirké, whom he 
calls "sabé*® should be required to perform the ordinary tasks of 
the temple until definite word can be obtained from Gobryas. The 
final statement of the sirku was an assertion that he would fulfil his 
agreement with the temple concerning the sirké for whom he had 
become surety. 

There are two main items of information in this text. The first 
is that sorké, although belonging primarily to the temple, could come 
under the recognized authority of the civil governor of the land.®° 
The second is that a sirku could rise to a place of high importance.*! 


Bail given for a sirku. 


YBT Vol. VII 1—1 Pu-ut sépé sa “Ku-du-ra-nu apil-su sa ™4Na-na-a-i-lu 
2 Sirku(PA-KAB-DU) Sa 4Bélit Sa Uruk™ 3 ™Ba-la-tu apil-su Sa ™Ki-rib- 
tum apil ™Ba-bu-tu 4 ina gat ™4Nabi-mukin-zér "Satammu B-an-na 5 apil- 
Su Sa ™Na-din apil ™Da-bi-bi [u ™4Nabi-ah.|-iddin 6 "Saqt Sarri "bél pi-qit- 
[tum B-an-na] 7 na-si imu 22'™ Sq OT ebétu........ 8 ina B-an-na ina 
bit ka-ri-e[a-na] 9 “¢Nabi-mukin-zér "Satammu E-an-na 10 u ™?Nabt-ah- 
iddin "Sagi Sarri 11 "bél pi-qit-tum H-an-na 12 1-nam-din-su ki-i la i-tab- 
ka-aS 13 1 ma-na kaspi a-na makkur ¢Bélit Sa Uruk 14 i-nam-din % 
miNabi-mukin-zér [wu] ™¢Nabi-ah-iddin 15 “Ku-du-ra-nu %-ba-mu-t.”? 


“That skilled soldiers are not always referred to by hsdbé is indicated by many texts. 
Particular note should be taken of REN 146 which is a list of implements used by the 
hsdbé. The list includes hoes, axes, sickles, pails, ete. No weapon of actual warfare 
seems to be mentioned. This list may represent their equipment for peaceful rather than 
military activities. For the relation of sébu to wmmdnu see references under sdbu, CD p. 
857. 

“Cf.-LCE 169. 

“aVYBT Vol. VII 149:2 contains the following: hési-rik Urukki Sa mub-li ri-ha-nu, ‘‘a 
Sirk@ of Erech who was in charge of the remainder.’’ 

“Dr. Tremayne in his dissertation derives t-ba-mu-% from ba’u = ‘‘to come,’’ ‘‘to 
go.’’ The intensive stem may have a causative force. 


50 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES - RESEARCHES V-2 


‘‘y The responsibility for the movements®’ of Kuduranu, the son of Nana- 
ilu, 2 a Sirku of the Bélit of Erech, 3 Balatu, the son of Kiribtum, son 
of Babitu, 4 from Nabii-mukin-zér,** the administrator of Hanna, 5 the 
son of Nadin, son of Dabibi, and Nabii-ah-iddin, 6 the chief officer of the 
king, the chief overseer of Hanna, 7 assumes. On the 22d day of Tebet.... 
8 in Banna in the storehouse to g Nabi-mukin-zér, the administrator of 
fianna, 10 and Nabi-ah-iddin, the chief officer of the king, 11 the chief over- 
seer of Hanna, 12 he shall give him. If he does not bring him, 13 1 mina of 
silver to the treasury of the Bélit of Erech 14 he shall give, and Nabt- 
mukin-zér [and] Nabii-ah-iddin 15 shall bring Kuduranu.”’ 

Names of 2 witnesses and the scribe. Dated in Erech, the 21st of Tebet, 
the accession year of Cyrus. 


This text records the bailment of a sirku for one day. No exten- 
sive task could be performed in this unusually short time, and so it 
may be presumed that the sirku wanted to pay a visit or attend to 
some business. ‘The authorities probably had a special claim upon 
this sirku and hence demanded security for even a brief absence 
from the temple. The fine of one mina does not necessarily repre- 
sent the value of the sirku, as the latter’s return was to be secured 
in addition to the payment of the former. 


Bailment of a female Ssirku. 


YBT Vol. VII 60—1 Umu 10°” sq *"bAddarwu Satiu 7#om ™Kyr-as sar 
Babilu™ Sar matati 2 tLa-tu-ba-sin-mi ‘3irkatum(PA-KAB-tum) Sa “Bélit Sa 


The literal meaning of pu-ut Sépé...... nasu is ‘‘to bear the responsibility for the 
feet.’’ Ungnad in SSS No. X, Selected Business Documents of the Neo-Babylonian 
Period, p. 67, translates ‘‘to be responsible that someone does not go away.’’ The 
evident idea is that someone becomes surety for the movements of another. Cf. KBB 
p. 48f. 

“The usual writing of the name of this temple official in these documents is Nabd- 
mukin-aplu. Cf. YBT Vol. VII 47:2, 7; 60:5; 66:9, 13; 69:2, 7; 70:1; 73:6. The 
writing Nabi-mukin-zér is not unusual. Cf. references in name list of REN p. 29. 
The lineage of both is the same, i. e., the son of Nddin, the grandson of Dabibi, and 
both are described as the Satammu of Banna. Nabi-mukin-aplu appears from the 10th 
year of Nabonidus to the 9th year of Cyrus. The references in the Cambyses texts are 
not available. Nabi-mukin-zér appears from the 4th year of Nabonidus to the last year 
of Cyrus. The difference in writing cannot be due to different scribes, as Nddinu, the 
son of Bél-alé-igisa, the grandson of Egibi wrote it both ways. Cf. REN 151:23; 
235:29; 156:2, 8. It hardly seems possible that two brothers with such similar names 
would occupy the same position at the same time. The usual reference is to one 
satammu. It may be that the sign for zéru also had the value aplu and that Nabié-mukin- 
aplu ought to be reading in all cases, or vice versa. 


PRINCIPAL DISCUSSION 51 


Uruk™ 3 fassat ™4Bél-ab-usur "qal-la sa ™Dajén-*Marduk 4 % mérémes-Su 
™Dajan-*Marduk apil-su sa ™?Nabi-bam-ali 5 apil ™Ba-la-tu ib-ba-kam-ma 
a-na ™4Nabi-mukin-aplu 6 "Satammu E-an-na apil-3u sa ™Na-din apil 
™Da-bi-bi 7 [u] ™4Nabi-ah-iddin "Saqi Sarri "bél pi-qit-tum R-an-na 
8 [1-na] B-an-na i-nam-din ki-t g [la] i-tab-kam-ma la id-dan-m 10 amélu- 
ut-tum % man-da-at-tum 11 “Dajén--Marduk a-na 4Bélit 8a Uruk* 
1-nam-din. 


**z On the 10th day of Adar, the 7th year of Cyrus, king of Babylon, king 
of countries, 2 Latubashinni, a female sirku of the Bélit of Erech, 3 the 
wife of Bél-ab-usur, the slave of Dajan-Marduk, 4 and her sons, Dajan-Mar- 
duk, the son of Nabi-bani-ahi, 5 son of Balatu, shall bring and to Nabi- 
mukin-aplu, 6 the administrator of Kanna, the son of Nadin, son of Dabibi, 
7 and Nabt-ah-iddin, the chief officer of the king, the chief overseer of 
Kanna, 8 in Kanna shall give. If 9 he does not bring and give (them) 
10 a female slave and compensation 11 Dajan-Marduk to the Bélit of Erech 
shall give.’’ 

Names of 3 witnesses and the scribe. Dated in Erech, the 10th of Mar- 
chesvan, the 7th year of Cyrus. 


In this document the master of a slave becomes surety for the 
latter’s wife who is a member of the sirkivtu. The temple has a 
claim upon her sons also and therefore they must be returned with 
the mother. This is another indication that the offspring of a 
sirku, whether male or female, belonged to the order. In case the 
primary provisions of the contract are not carried out, the one who 
became surety must dedicate a female slave to the deity, presum- 
ably for the sirkutu, and must pay additional compensation. The 
term mandattu seems to refer to compensation equivalent to the 
service capable of being rendered by a slave. Thus it may be com- 
pared to interest on money. See note 28. 


Oath taken that a sirku will be delivered to the temple officials. 

YBT Vol. VII 50—1 ™4A-nu-um-ah-iddin apil-su sa “Zéru-tu 2 aprl 
mK uri-t ina ?Bél *Nabt u a-da-e Sarri 3 a-na™N1-din-ti-*Bél "Satammu B-an-na 
4 apil-su Sa ™*Nabii-mukin-zér apil ™Da-bi-bt 5 wu ™*Nabii-ah-iddin "Saqt 
Sarri "bel pi-qit-[tum] 6 B-an-na it-te-me ki-i a-di 7 timu 5” Sq 970 Arah- 


52 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES. RESEARCHES V-2 


samnu ™Ki-ne-na-a-a 8 '51-ik-ka® $a *Bélit Sa Uruk™ 9 ab-ba-kam-ma a-nam- 
dak-ka-su-nu-tu®® 10 ki-t la i-ta-bak hi-tu 11 Sa Sarre 1-Sa-ad-[da-ad]. 

‘‘y Anum-ah-iddin, the son of Zéritu, 2 son of Kuri, by Bél, Nabi and 
the laws of the king 3 to Nidinti-Bél, the administrator of Eanna, 4 the 
son of Nabi-mukin-zér, son of Dabibi, 5 and Nabi-ah-iddin, the chief officer 
of the king, chief overseer 6 of Hanna, swore as follows: ‘By 7 the 5th day 
of Marchesvan Kinena, 8 a sirku of the Bélit of Erech, 9 I will bring and 
give to you.’ 10I1f he does not bring (him) asin 11 against the king he will 
commit.’ | 


Names of 3 witnesses and the scribe. Dated in Erech, the 30th of Shebat, 
the 5th year of Cyrus. 


This record of bailment is more direct and personal inform. In 
case of violated oath the delinquent becomes guilty of a gross crime 
to be punished by some penalty imposed by the king. 


Responsibility assumed for the return of a sirku. 


YVBT Vol. VII 73—1 Ni-din-tum mér-su Sa ™Ba-lat-su pu-ut ........ 
2 fIn-sa-ab-tum marat-su $a ™Ba-lat-su.......... 3 assat ™Innina-mukin- 
aplu mari-su sa ™4In-nin-bél-su-nu 4 Sa pu-ut a-ba-ku sa ™La-a-ba-si mari-su 
Sa 5 ™Ardi-"In-nin 'Sirku (PA-KAB-DU) 4Innina Uruk™ 6 na-si-u ina 
gat ™*Nabi-mukin-aplu 'Satammu E-an-na 7 mari-su sa “Na-di-nu mér 
mDq-bi-bi % 8 ™4Nabt-ah-1ddin "Sagi Sarre "bél pi-qit-tum B-an-na 9 a-di 
amu 20k arabArahsamnu na-si kit 10 timu 20%" Iq 4-tab-kam-ma 
1r la id-dan-nu-us ul-tu eli 12 t-mu ™La-a-ba-st "Sirku(PA-KAB-DU) 
dInnina Uruk* 13 hal-qa “La-a-ba-si % man-da-at-tum a-na 14 4Bélit Sa 
Uruk i-nam-din “Gi-mil-lu mari-su Sa 15 ™4In-nin-sum-ibni pu-ut ™Ni-din- 
tum na-si 16 ki-a “Ni-din-tum la 1-tab-ku ul-tu eli i-mu 17 8a “La-a-ba-st 
hal-ga ™La-a-ba-si % man-da-at-tum 18 a-na “Bélit Sa Uruk 1-nam-din. 

‘‘; Nidintum, the son of Balatsu, the responsibility of...... 2 Insab- 
tum, the daughter of Balatsu, ........ , 3 the wife of Innina-mukin-aplu, 
the son of Innin-bélshunu, 4 who the responsibility of bringing LabAshi, 


>The following passage in StrNbn 1099:1, 2 should be noted: 2 ma-na Sipadtézun ina 
qi-bi Sa mKi-i-dNabi a-na mdSamas-ah-iddin hrab Ssik-katmes nadna(-na), ‘*2 minas of 
wool at the command of Ki-Naba to Shamash-ab-iddin, the Arab Sikkatme’, were given.’’ 
However the reading may also be hrab sik-katmes’ — ‘‘chief of bolts,’’ i. e., the one 
entrusted with the work of locking doors. There is therefore no certainty that there is 
a reference to hrab PA-KAB-DU. In REN 229:53 occurs hrab sik-katmes, with a ref- 
erence to hNI-GABme in the preceding line. See note 88. 

*The form a-nam-dak-ka-si-nu-tu is a modification of a-nam-dan-ka-st-nu-tu, 


PRINCIPAL DISCUSSION 53 


the son of 5 Ardi-Innin, a sirku of Innina of Erech, 6 assume, from Nabt- 
mukin-aplu, the administrator of anna, 7 the son of Nadinu, son of Dabibi, 
and 8 Nabii-ah-iddin, the chief officer of the king, the chief overseer of 
Kanna, 9 by the 20th day of Marchesvan, bears. If 10 on the 20th day 
they do not bring 11 and give him, from the 12 day when Labashi, a 
sirku of Innina of Erech, 13 fled, Labashi and compensation to 14 the Bélit 
of Erech he shall give. Gimillu, the son of 15 Innin-shum-ibni, becomes 
responsible for Nidintum. 16 If he does not bring Nidintum, from the day 
17 when Labashi fled, Labashi and compensation 18 to the Bélit of Krech he 
shall give.’’ 

Names of 3 witnesses and the scribe. Dated in Erech, the........ of 
Marchesvan, the 8th year of Cyrus. 


As na-su-u% in line 6 is plural, the name of the wife of Innina- 
mukin-aplu was probably written at the end of line 2. If this sur- 
mise is correct, Nidintum became responsible for two women, one 
of them his sister, who had become responsible for the return of 
the sirku Labashi. Nidintum himself had to furnish security, as 
the latter part of the document indicates. Thus a series of bail- 
ments is presented in this text, Gimillu vouching for Nidintum who — 
became surety for those who assumed responsibility for the return 
of Labashi. This adds weight to the conclusion that the temple 
exercised great care in protecting its claim upon members of the 
Sorkiitu. 

Provision for the return of a fugitive sirku. 

YBT Vol. VII 44—1 [Umu] 15°” [Sa] 7 Tisritu sattu 5’ ™Ku-ra-as 
2 [Sar Babili™] Sar matati “Gu-za-nu apil-su sa 3”¢Nabi-da-a-a-nu ™4Samas- 
na-din-sum apil-su $a “E-rib-Su 4. *Sirku(PA-KAB-DU) Sa 4Bélit Sa Uruk* 
hal-qa 5 [i|-na gat ™St-rik-tum-4AZAG-SUD apil-su sa “Ba-la-tu 6 i-ki-mu 
ib-ba-kam-ma a-na ™Ni-din-tum-4Bél 7 "[Satammu] B-an-na apil-su sa 
mdNabi-mukin-zér api ™Da-bi-bi 8 [u] “*Nabi-ah-rddin "Sagi Sarri "bél 
pi-qit-tum B-an-na 9g [1]-nam-din ki-i la i-tab-ku 10 [ul]-tu muh-hi i-mu sa 
m4Sqmas-na-din-sum 11 'Sirku(PA-KAB-DU) Sa ¢4Bélit Sa Uruk* hal-qa 
12 ™4Samas-na-din-sum % man-da-at-tum a-na 13 *Bélit Sa Uruk* i-nam-din. 


*“r On the 15th(?) day of Tishri, the 5th year of Cyrus, 2 king of Baby- 
lon, king of countries, Guzanu, the son of 3 Nabi-danu, Shamash-nadin- 
shum, the son of Eribshu 4 a Sirku of the Bélit of Erech (who) fled, 5 from 


54 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES - RESEARCHES V-2 


Shiriktum-AZAG-SUD, the son of Balatu, 6 shall take, bring and to Nidin- 
tum-Bél, 7 the administrator of Hanna, the son of Nabi-mukin-zér, son of 
Dabibi, 8 and Nabi-ah-iddin, the chief officer of the king, the chief overseer 
of Kanna, 9 shall give. If he does not bring (him), 10 from the day when 
Shamash-nadin-shum, 11 a Sirku of the Bélit of Erech, fled, 12 Shamash- 
nadin-shum and compensation to 13 the Bélit of Erech he shall give.’’ 

Names of 3 witnesses and the scribe. Dated in Erech, the 15th of Tishri, 
the 5th year of Cyrus. 


Shamash-nadin-shum, the runaway sirku, had evidently been 
captured by Shiriktum-4A7ZAG-SUD, who is mentioned as a scribe 
in LCE 169:24, and as the son of a serku in YBT Vol. VII 179:1. 
If the reading of the date in line 1 is correct, this document pro- 
vided for the immediate delivery of the sirku to the proper authori- 
ties. Guzanu guaranteed that this would be done, with the usual 
penalty in case of failure. | 


A Sirku becomes responsible for forty sirké. 


YBT Vol. VII 187—1 40 “ikkaratu (PIN™®) |[*sirké(PA-KAB-DU™#) 
UInnina| Uruk* 2 sa ™4*Nabi-mukin-aplu "satammu B-an-na apil-su 3 Sa ™Na- 
di-nu apil ™Da-bi-bi u ™4Sin-sar-usur 4 "Saqt Sarri "bél pi-qit-tum B-an-na 
5 a-na ™La-a-ba-st apil-su Sa ™4Na-na-a-ah-iddin 6 “ikkaru(PIN) "Sirku(PA- 
KAB-DU) 4Innina Uruk* 7 id-di-nu *sdbé%s-ém 40 8 ib-ba-ka-ma dul-lu 
ina ekalli g Sa Sarri Sa ina “Ba-at-na-a-nu 10 ip-pu-su ki-c man-ma ina lib-bi- 
Su-nu 11 a-na a-sar Sa-nam-ma it-tal-ku 12 ™La-a-ba-si hi-tu Sa Sarri 1-Sad- 
da-ad. 


‘*z 40 husbandmen, [Sirké of Innina] of Erech, 2 whom Nabii-mukin-aplu, 
the administrator of Banna, the son 3 of Nadinu, son of Dabibi, and Sin- 
shar-usur, 4 the chief officer of the king, the chief overseer of Hanna, 5 to 
Labashi, the son of Nana-ah-iddin, 6 the husbandman, a Sirku of Innina 
of Erech, 7 gave. The workmen, 40 in number, 8 he shall bring and they 
shall perform work in the palace g of the king in the city Batnanu. to If 
anyone of them 11 has gone to another place, 12 Labashi will be guilty of 
a sin against the king.’’ 

Names of 3 witnesses and the scribe. Dated in the city of Erech, the 8th 
of Tammuz, the 6th (?) year of Cambyses. ; 


PRINCIPAL DISCUSSION 5d 


This is an interesting record of forty members of the sirkitu 
who were detailed for service in one of the king’s palaces. Labashi, 
who became surety for them, may be compared in position with 
Gimillu who was in charge of the sirké working for Gobryas in 
YBT Vol. VII 60. 


Two sirké become responsible for fifty sirké. 


YBT Vol. VII 154—1 Pu-ut st-uz-zu-uz-zu sa 50 *sirké(PA-KAB-DU™2) 
2 Sa *Bélit Sa Uruk™ *BANmes? |... 3 Sa ka-da-nu ™4Samas-mudammig 
(DAN) apil-su 4 Sa “Ina-esi-étir % ™4A-nu-mukin-aplu 5 apil-su sa ™4Na- 
na-a-iddin "sirké(PA-KAB-DU"®) 6 Sa 4Bélit sa Uruk* na-su-% 7 arha- 
ta-im "sirkdm(PA-KAB-DU-dém) 50 8 e-lat "agarrittu™’ sa ™4Innina-Glik- 
pan g ina ka-da-nu i-si-ni-qu-ma®®= 10 a-na ™?Samas-ériba "rab ka-da-nu 
Bios y.: da-pi “Har-zi-ba-a-a 12 i-nam-di-nu-’. 


‘‘r The responsibility for providing 50 sirké 2 of the Bélit of Erech, as 
bowmen <....... 3 of the prison,®? Shamash-mudammiq, the son 4 of Ina- 
eshi-étir, and Anu-mukin-aplu, 5 the son of Nana-iddin, sirké 6 of the 
Belit of Erech, assume. 7 Monthly, sirké to the number of 50 8 in addition 
to the hired laborers of Innina-alik-pani 9g they shall compel to enter prison 
(literally, crowd into prison) and 1o to Shamash-ériba, the master of the 
prison, Il ...... , the Harzibite, 12 they shall give.’’ 

Names of 4 witnesses and the scribe. Dated in Erech, the 12th of Mar- 
chesvan, the 3d year of Cambyses. 


nhBANmes evidently refers to bowmen, as isBAN = qastu = ‘‘bow.’’ Cf. B 9100. 
See YBT Vol. VII 65:2 for reference to mdNabi-ré’u-sti-nu mari-su Sa mAmél-dNa-na-a 
hsirku(PA-KAB-DU) Sa ina ka-da-a-nu, ‘‘Nabi-ré’ushunu, the son of Amél-Nana, a 
sirkw who is in prison.’’ This line occurs in a long list of ABANmes. Cf. REN 151:9, 
11, 14, 15, 18, where there is a reference to the »BANmes of the shepherds of the Bélit 
_ of Erech and to the hrab BANmes. Cf. YBT vol. VII 80:2; and REN 116:18. 

*The present of sandqu is isaniq, but e-se-ni-iq occurs. See CD p. 771. 


The word ka-da-nu seems to be connected with Arabic J v — ‘‘to detain.’’ Note 


hrab ka-da-nu in line 10. Cf. YBT Vol. VII 65:2 for ka-da-a-nu and REN 151:15 for 
bit ka-a-du. In all these cases the term occurs in connection with hBANmes. Cf. CD 
p- 873 for kidénu = ‘‘protection,’’ kidin(n)u = ‘‘protection,’’ and kidinnitu —‘‘pro- 
tection,’’ derived from a verb kaddnu = ‘‘hide,’’ ete. The use of bowmen would be 
appropriate in connection with a place of detention or a place of protection. Cf. VS 
VI 202:11-13 for a statement that 300 sirké went to a camp (a-na ma-dak-ti). 


56 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES- RESEARCHES V-2 


The most plausible explanation of the contents of this document 
is that the Sirké to be furnished every month to the prison master 
were for the purpose of guarding the place of detention, in the same 
way that sirké were used for guarding the temple, ete. There is 
nothing to indicate that they were under some form of punishment. 


Record concerning a runaway shepherd and a sirku. 


YBT Vol. VII 146—1 ”4A-nu-Sar-usur apil-su sa ™4In-nin-sum-iddin 
hna-gid $a Innina Uruk 2 sa si-e-nu qa-bu-ut makkur “Innina Uruk” i-na 
pa-m-su i-ku-lu w& ih-li-ig 3 u ma-al "*Nabi-mukin-aplu "Satammu E-an-na 
apil-su Sa ™Na-din apil ™Da-bi-bi 4 "4Nabi-ah-iddin "Saqt Sarri "bél piqut- 
tum(SiG) B-an-na % "DUB-SAR”® sa E-an-na 5 AN-HU-TU-RU 158-su-’- 
ma si-e-nu mus-su-ri-e-ti ul-tu séri 6 1-na gat "mar bam-"% 1-bu-ku-ma a-na 
makkur B-an-na la id-di-ni_ 7 % ™4Marduk-mukin-aplu apil-su sa 1 Adad-si- 
ir-ha-na-na 84 A-nu-Sar-usur #qa-a-ta™ parzilla id-di-’-u-ma a-na 9 ™4*N abi- 
ré’u-su-nu ’mar Sipri Sa ™4Nabi-mukin-aplu "satammu B-an-na 10 id-di- 
nu-ma ina gati-su th-li-tq ar-ki ™4In-nin-zér-rbmi 11 apil-su sa “Ina-esi-étir 
hSirku(PA-KAB-DU)4Innina Uruk” "MU Sa KIL alpé™ Sa sarri 12 $a alpé™ 
Sa Sarri U-mas-si-ru % th-li-ig a-na 13 “4A-nu-sar-usur U-ki-tl-ma “qa-a-ta par- 
gilli 14 id-di-’ 10 Siqil kaspi ina qati-su 18-81 & 15 t-wn-da-[Ssir]-is ™4In-nin- 
zér-ib-nt_ 16 18-Sa-al-lu-ma ina pulri...... bt e-la ram-m-Su 17 U-ki-in wm-ma 
a-na ™4A-nu-sar-usur apil-su sa ™4In-nin-sum-iddin 18 "na-qid sa “Innina 
Uruk ki-t “-kil-li-’ “qa-a-ta parzdli at-ta-du 19 10 siqil kaspi an-da-har-as 
uw Un-da-sir-is. 


“Cf. LCH 169 and AENP 103. 

*Very few examples of the phrase isqa-a-ta parzilli exist. HRETA 114:9, 10 contains 
the expression tsqdtdme id-du-t. YBT Vol. VII 7:125, 126 furnishes isqdtd parzillimes 
ki-i id-du-t. YBT Vol. VII 158:14 has ina 4 isqa-a-ta. In line 18 of the text under 
consideration occurs isqa-a-ta parzilli at-ta-du. Cf. also lines 13 and 14 ibid. Com- 
parison must be made with si-me-ri-e parzilli id-du-us-su, ‘“he put iron fetters upon him,’’ 
StrCyr 281:3, and mdA-num-sum-lisir si-me-ri-e ina E-an-na id-di, ‘‘he put iron fetters 
upon Anum-shum-lishir in Banna,’’ REN 222:10, 11. Cf. REN 149:3, 6, 9 for isqata 
pargilli and YBT Vol. VII 137:19 for isqa-a-ta. The verb nad@ is used with isqa-a-ta 
parzillt in the same sense as with si-me-ri-e parzilli. The evident reference is to fetters, 
shackles or stocks of some kind. The use of the determinative for wood in connection 
with iron is unusual. Criminals were first of all held by human hands. Fetters of wood 
or fibre rope might well be termed isqa-a-ta, which might attain a technical sense or 
general meaning, usable even when the fetters were made of iron. The modern term 
‘“‘handeuff’’ is suggested by the ideogram for ‘‘hand,’’ or the free translation ‘‘hand 
fetters’’ might be used. It should be noted that the reading might be iz-qa-a-ta from 
zaqgatu — ‘‘to be pointed,’’ referring to fetters of sharp iron instead of ordinary chains. 


PRINCIPAL DISCUSSION 5Y 


‘*; Anu-shar-usur, the son of Innin-shum-iddin, a shepherd of Innina of 
Erech, 2 who the sheep of the fold of the property of Innina of Erech, 
(which were) at his disposal, ate and fled, 3 and ma-al® Nabé-mukin-aplu, 
the administrator of Hanna, the son of Nadin, son of Dabibi, 4 Nabi-ah- 
iddin, the chief officer of the king, the chief overseer of Hanna, and the 
scribes of Banna 5 AN-HU-TU-RU® took and the abandoned™ sheep from 
the plain 6 from the mdr bani. brought and into the possession of Eanna did 
not give, 7 and Marduk-mukin-aplu, the son of Adad-sirhanana, 8 placed iron 
hand fetters(?) upon Anu-shar-usur and to 9 Nabi-ré’ushunu, the messenger 
of Nabi-mukin-aplu, the administrator of Hanna, 10 gave (him), and from 
him he (i. e., Anu-shar-usur) fled. Afterwards Innin-zér-ibni, 11 the son 
of Ina-eshi-étir, a sorku of Innina of Erech, a servant of the ox enclosure of 
the king, 12 who left the oxen of the king and fled, 13 detained Anu-shar- 
usur and placed iron hand fetters(?) upon him, took 10 ‘shekels of silver 
from him and 15 abandoned him. Innin-zér-ibni 16 they questioned and in 
the assembly........ he testified concerning himself (literally, established 
upon himself) 17 as follows: ‘When I detained Anu-shar-usur, the son of 
Innin-shum-iddin, 18 the shepherd of Innina of Erech, I placed iron hand 
fetters(?) upon him, 19 received 10 shekels of silver from him and aban- 
doned him.’ ”’ 

Names of 5 witnesses and the scribe. Dated in Erech, the 22d of Tebet, 
the 8d year of Cambyses. 


The outstanding features of this document are of great interest. 
A recreant shepherd of the temple was captured by Marduk- 
mukin-aplu and turned over to the representative of the adminis- 
trator of Hanna. The shepherd escaped again and was afterwards 
taken prisoner by a Sirku who was himself a fugitive. It seems 
that the sirku was not entirely honest in the matter, for the appar- 


@As3 a preposition mal means ‘‘in comparison with,’’ ‘‘in accordance with.’’ As a 
general relative pronoun it means ‘‘whatever.’’ With basa, mala has the sense ‘‘as 
much as there is.’’ In the above text it is not easy to determine the exact meaning. 
Cf. B 6811 to 6820 for ideographic meanings of MA-AL. 

“The meaning of A4N-HU-TU-RU is unknown. Cf. NLE 8:21 for another occurrence 
of the term. In both cases it seems to refer to a nominal rather than verbal idea. 

s4¢ Abandoned’’ seems to be the best meaning for mus-St-ri-e-ti, which may be a form 
from masdru like nukkusu from nakdsu. Cf. CD p. 673. AEHNN 124:1, 2 has 1 pag-ra 


erat ore i-na mus-St-ri-e-ti, ‘1 carcass ...... among those abandoned.’’ The ref- 
erence seems to be to abandoned animals, one of which died or was killed. 


58 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES- RESEARCHES V-2 


ent meaning of the record is that he took some money, it may be as a 
bribe, from the shepherd and then let him go. He acknowledged 
this action on his part, but it is difficult to know the outcome as no 
sentence is pronounced. : 

The following document bears the same date as the one just dis- 
cussed and gives further information concerning the sirku Innin- 
zér-ibni and his activities. 


Two Ssirké testify concerning another member of the order. 


YBT Vol. VII 152—1 ™4In-nin-zér-bm apil-su sa “Ina-esi-étir "Sirku 
(PA-KAB-DU) 4Innina Uruk™ 2 i-na “Bél % 4Nabi u% i-na a-di-e Sa ™Kam- 
bu-zi-ia Sar Babilo® Sar matati 3 a-na™4Nabi-mukin-aplu "Satammu E-an-na 
apil-su Sa ™Na-din \japil “Da-bi-bt 4 u ™4Nabi-ah-iddin "sagt sarri "bél, 
pi-git-tum B-an-na it-te-me 5 ki-t kaspa & mimma ma-la ba-su-t ima gat 
hSirké(PA-KAB-DU™) 6 hal-qu-tu sa Innina Uruk as-su-% % t-mas-Si-ru 
7 ar-ki Sum ilanime’ ™Su-qa-a-a apil-su sa ™Ar-ra-bi u “Itti-"Na-na-a-ini-va 
8 'Sirké(PA-KAB-DU™@) 4Innina Uruk ina pubri a-na ™In-nin-zér-zbm 
9 u-kin-’? um-ma 8 Sigil kaspi u 30 qa Sikaré*” 10 at-ta u “Ba-la-tu apil-su 
Sa ™St-la-a ina Gli IM" 11 a-na “Iqisa(-sa)-a "Su-Sa-nu ta-an-da-har-’ 
12 wu tu-un-da-Sir-us-Su 2 Siqil kaspi % 30 qa sikaré*™" 13 ina gat ™4Samas- 
apla-a “ikkarw sa gat “Na-din ina bit ™Hi-li-4A-nu 14 ta-at-ta-as-sa-’ % 
tu-un-da-Sir-us-SU. 


‘*r Innin-zér-ibni, the son of Ina-eshi-étir, a sirku of Innina of Erech, 
2 by Bél and Nabé and the laws of Cambyses, king of Babylon, king of 
countries, 3 to Nabi-mukin-aplu, the administrator of Eanna, the son of 
Nadin, son of Dabibi, 4 and Nabiti-ah-iddin, the chief officer of the king, 
the chief overseer of Eanna, swore 5 as follows: ‘Money and whatsoever 
there was from the 6 fugitive sirké of Innina of Erech I took and let (them) 
go.’ 7 After the oath (literally, name of the gods) Suqa, the son of Arrabi 
and Itti-Nana-inia, 8 sirké of Innina of Erech, in the assembly for Innin- 
zér-ibni g established as follows: ‘Three shekels of silver and 30 ga of date 
wine to you and Balatu, the son of Shula in the city JM 11 for Iqisha, the 
Susanu, received 12 and (then) let him go. Two shekels of silver and 30 
qa of date wine 13 from Shamash-apla, the husbandman, entrusted to 
Nadin, in the house of Hili-Anu, 14 you took and (then) let him go.’ ”’ 

Names of 5 witnesses and the scribe. Dated in Erech, the 22d of Tebet, 
the 3d year of Cambyses. | 


PRINCIPAL DISCUSSION 59 


It is interesting to compare this document with the preceding 
one. Innin-zér-ibni figures in both as a sirku who had profited at 
the hands of runaway sirké and then allowed them to escape. Suga 
and Itti-Nana-inia, the sirké who gave testimony as to what he did 
in two instances, are mentioned in the next text, dated about two 
months later, as husbandmen of the Bélit of HKrech who left their 
irrigating instruments and fled. These three documents so closely 
related in time and contents enable us to visualize the care that was 
taken by Babylonian temple officials in investigating and regulating 
the activities of members of the serkitu. 


Provision for bringing five workmen, including a sirku, to Babylon. 


YBT Vol. VII 187—1 “Du-um-mu-qu mari-su $a ™Bal-ti-ia © @Sa-at-mu 
ee 2 $a ™¢h-a-kur-ban-nu "pa-qu-du $a Uruk a-na eli marti........ 
3 Sa a-na kaspi id-di-nu i-na 8-pir-tr sa ™Kal-ba-a “pa-qu-du sa “Sa-at-mu 
4 18-ba-tu ™Itti-4Na-na-a-i-m-ia Wu ™Su-qa-a-a “kkaratum’® 5 sa 4Bélit So 
Uruk” sa *APIN”@-Su-nu t-mas-si-ru v 1-ih-li-qu 6 "4 A-nu-zér-ibni "pu-sa-a-a 
hyab eSertum(-tum) Sa dul-lu-su u-mas-si-ru 7 % %-ih-li-qu-ma 2 Sanatime 
la in-nam-ru “U-ba-ru 8 *Sirku(PA-KAB-DU) sa *Nergal Sa “U-dan-nu Sa 
mdNabi-sum-ukin "paqdu Kkuraty”’ 9 ina bit ki-li is-ba-tu napharu 5 'sabémes 
SAPS SS VE 1 ee aa 
16 ™4Nabti-mukin-aplu "Satammu E-an-na17...... au”? Nabi-ah-iddin "Saqt 
Sarri "bél piqittum(SIG) B-an-na 18 ™Du-uwm-mu-qu "Itti-4Na-na-a-i-ni-ia 
mSu-ga-a-a ™¢A-nu-zér-ibni 19 “U-ba-ru i-na “qa-a-ta %s-ba-tu-ma a-na 
mGi-mil-lu 20 "rab eSertum(-tum) % ™4Nabié-ig-sur mari-su sa ™Du-um- 
mu-qu "Sirké(PA-KAB-DU™) sa "Innina Uruk* 21 id-di-nu pu-ut ma-as- 
sar-tum sa "sabé”?-dm 5 ™Gi-mil-lu u ™*Nabii-ig-sur 22 na-su-% ib-ba-ku-ma 


mith bir nari %-Sa-az-ga-2u-su-nu-tu ki-t man-ma ina lib-bi-su-nu 24 a-na 


a-sar Sa-nam-ma it-tal-ku ™Gi-mil-lu wu ™*Nabi-iq-sur lv-tu sa sarri 
25 1-sad-da-du. 


‘*y Dummuqu, the son of Baltia, the Shatmite.., 2 whom Ea-kurbannu, the 
guardsman(?)*°° of Erech, on account of the daughter of...... 3 whom he 
sold (literally, gave for silver), by reason of a dispatch of Kalba, the guards- 
man(?) of Shatmu, 4 took prisoner; Itti-Nand-inia and Suqa, husband- 
men 5 of the Bélit of Erech, who left their irrigating instruments and fled; 


*See note 12. 


60 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES-RESEARCHES V-2 


6 Anu-zér-ibni, the fuller, a chief of ten, who left his work 7 and fled and 
for two years was not seen, Ubaru, 8 a Sirku of Nergal, of the city Udannu, 
whom Nabii-shum-ukin, the keeper of the temples, 9 put in prison; in all, 
five workmen (see note 49), who were placed in prison and.............. 
‘tees ARES ec Letts Ae ee 2 eee 16 Nabi-mukin-aplu, the administrator of 
Banna rye wo. and Nabi-ah-iddin, the chief officer of the king, the 
chief overseer of Kanna, 18 placed Dummuqu, Itti-Nana-inia, Suga, Anu- 
zér-ibni, 19 and Ubaru in hand fetters(?) and gave (them) to Gimillu, 20 a 
chief of ten, and Nabi-iqsur, the son of Dummuqu, Sirké of Innina of 
Erech. 21 The responsibility for guarding the five workmen Gimillu and 
Nabii-iqsur 22 bear. They shall bring (them) and in Babylon they shall 
place them at the disposal of Nabiigu, the son of Gubaru, 23 the governor of 
Babylon and the District beyond the River. If anyone of them 24 has gone 
to another place, Gimillu and Nabi-iqsur a sin against the king 25 will 
commit.’ 

Names of two officials, seven witnesses and the scribe. Dated in Erech, 
the 80th of Adar, the 3rd year of Cambyses. 


This text presents a glimpse of the steps that were taken against 
five persons that were guilty of various misdemeanors. ‘The record 
is not full enough to reconstruct the course of action in each 
instance. As to the sirku of Nergal, it is simply stated that he was 
placed in prison. ‘The five shackled workmen detained as criminals 
were entrusted to two sirké, who were held responsible for bringing 
them to Babylon in order that they might render service to the son 
of the governor. This is further proof that recruits for service at 
the metropolis of Babylonia were drawn from the ranks of the 
sirkutu and that a sirku could become responsible for fellow mem- 
bers of the order. Itti-Nand-inia and Suq4 are not called sirké in 
this document, though that was their status in the preceding one. 


Agreement to furnish testimony concerning a Sirku guilty of 
misdemeanors. 

REN 108—1 Pu-ut "mu-kin-nu-tum sa “Ibni-Istar apil-su 2 §a ™Amél- 
dNa-na-a "3irku(PA-KAB-DU) Sa “Bélit Sa Uruk* 3 Sa ina mu-%i ™4R-an- 
(na)-sar-usur ™Gab-bi-4Bél-um-ma 4 “Nir-e-a ™A-di-ma-at-ilu f4Na-na-a 
Rito’ di, 5 assat ™Am-ma-a u ™Gub-ba-a "sirké(PA-KAB-DU™) 6 i-pu-us 
dul-la Sa B-an-na ina bit "Ibna-a 7 apil-su sa “Iddin--Nabi apil ™Ki-din- 


PRINCIPAL DISCUSSION 61 


IMarduk “Ibmi-Ustar 8 u-Se-ri-bu-ma u-sa-ah-mi-is g u urisu LA u US- 
LSAT ES 12 ae ea 10 tk-ki-is ™Ibna-a na-si 11 ki-t la uk-ti-m lu-tu 
12 Sa Sarri 1-zab-bil. 

‘‘; The responsibility of the testimony concerning Ibni-Ishtar, the son 
2 of Amél-Nana, a sirku of the Bélit of Erech, 3 who by night Eanna-shar- 
usur, Gabbi-Bél-umma, 4 Niréa, Adi-mat-ilu, Nana...... , 5 the wife of 
Amma, and Gubba, sirké 6 performing the work of Kanna, into the house of 
Ibna, 7 the son of Iddin-Nabi, son of Kidin-Marduk, Ibni-Ishtar 8 caused 
to enter and treated with violence, 9 and a kid........ Ande tOWl eras as 
10 killed, Ibna bears. 11 If he does not testify, a sin 12 against the king 
he will commit (literally, a sin of the king he will carry).’’ 


Ibni-Ishtar in line 7 may best be explained as a repetition of the 
subject which occurs in line 1. Criminality of a different type is 
referred to in this document. Ibni-Ishtar, a sirku, violently mis- 
treated six fellow members of the s¢rkiitu, one of whom was a 
woman. ‘The full nature of the offense is not indicated. The 
causative form of the verb hamdsu is used to describe immorality 
forcibly perpetrated upon a woman. The sirku was also guilty of 
slaughtering animals. Ibna, in whose house the misdeeds were 
performed, was required by the temple to become surety that the 
facts would be properly presented in court. A severe penalty was 
imposed in case of default. This is an exact equivalent of what is 
meant by subpoena in modern law. 


Record concerning a runaway sirku. 


YBT Vol. VII 102—1 “Ri-hi-e-tuwm mari-su sa “Ardi-In-nin "“kkaru 
hsirku(PA-KAB-DU) 4Innina Uruk 2 a-na ™Nabi-mukin-aplu *satammu 
B-an-na i ™*Nabi-ah-iddin 3 "Saqt Sarri "bél pi-qit-tum B-an-na iq-bi wm-ma 
ul-tu 4 Sattu 8 kam ™ Ku-ra-as Sar Babili® Sar matati ul-tu eli*APIN 5 Sa 
miSqmas-mukin-aplu mari-su sa ™¢Sin-na-din-sum “kkaru sa 4Bélit sa 
Uruk* adi *APIN-ia(?) 6 ah-li-iq-ma i-na “*Ulilu Sattu réstu Sarritr 
™Kam-bu-zi-ia 7 Sar Babili™ Sar matati “Gi-mil-lu mari-su Sa ™4In-nin-sum- 
ibm 8 i-mu-ra-an-ni-ma ina pam ™4Sin-ib-ni méri-su sa ™4Nabti-za-ba-du 
9 ip-gi-da-an-na um-ma kaspu i-di-su i-Sa-am-ma i-bi-in-nt 10 % ™?8in- 
ibn ig-bu-t% um-ma “Gimillu ™Ri-hi-e-tum ina pami-ia 11 ip-te-qid wv rik-su 
a-na satti 5 Sigil kaspi 12 a-na i-di-su it-ti-ia is-ta-ka-as 13 ar-ki rik-su Sa 
mGi-mil-lu it-ti-ia 18-ku-su 14 Si-pir-ti a-na ™*Nabii-na-din mari-su sa ™Eri- 
ba-a "bél pi-qit-tum 15 Sa alt Sa “Ki-1-4Nabit il-tap-ru um-ma 1-na pa-m-ka 


62 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES - RESEARCHES V-2 


li-is-bat-ma 16 ki-i pa-ni-ka ma-har i-na Satti 5 siqil kaspt 17 1-di-Su St-bi-lu 
% ia-a-nu-t lu-% ina pani ™*8in-ib-ni is-Si-% 18 a-di i-na-an-na ™Rr-l-e-tum 
ina pani ™Nabi-na-din u-st-uz 19 St-pir-tum Sa “Gimillu a-na eli ™Ri-ln-e- 
tum a-na ™4Nabi-na-din 18-pu-ru 20 ™48in-ibni % ™Ri-li-e-tum a-na "Sa- 
tammu u ™Nabii-ah-iddin id-di-nu-ma 21 ki-t pi-i "mu-kin-nu-tu sa ™4Sin- 
ibmi ina lubbi sa-tir um-ma ki-t 22 pa-ni-ka ma-har “Ri-li-e-twm ima 
pani-ka li-is-bat-ma Satti 23 5 siqd kaspi 1-di-Su su-bi-lu % ta-a-nu-% a-na 
maSin-ibm 24 %-din-su 8-pir-ta-a lu-u mu-kin-nu ina muh-hi-ka si-pir-tum 
25 Sa *si-pi-ri Sa ™Gimillu a-na eli ™Ri-hi-e-tum a-na 26 ™¢Nabi-na-din 
is-pu-ru-ma ina pubri tan-nam-ru 27 is-ku-su ik-nu-ku wu ina E-an-na 
is-ku-mu. 


‘‘7y Ribétum, the son of Ardi-Innin, the husbandman, a sirku of Innina of 
Erech, 2 to Nabii-mukin-aplu, the administrator of Kanna, and Nabii-ah-id- 
din, 3 the chief officer of the king, the chief overseer of Eanna, spoke as fol- 
lows: ‘From 4 the 8th year of Cyrus, king of Babylon, king of countries, from 
the irrigating instrument 5 of Shamash-mukin-aplu, the son of Sin-nadin- 
shum, the husbandman of the Bélit of Erech, unto my(?) irrigating instru- © 
ment 6 I fled and in the month Elul of the accession year of Cambyses, 7 king 
of Babylon, king of countries, Gimillu, the son of Innin-shum-ibni, 8 saw me 
and into the care of Sin-ibni, the son of Nabii-zabadu, 9 entrusted me with 
the stipulation, ‘‘ He shall reckon and give silver as his hire.’’’ 10 And Sin- 
ibni said as follows: ‘Gimillu entrusted Rihétum in my ecare 11 and a 
contract for a yearly payment of five shekels of silver 12 for his hire he 
made with me. 13 After the contract which Gimillu made with me, 14 he 
sent a dispatch to Nabé-nadin, the son of Eriba, the chief overseer 15 of the 
city of Ki-Nabi, saying, ‘‘ Before thee let him take hold and, 16 if it is pleas- 
ing to thee, in a year five shekels of silver 17 bring as his hire. Otherwise, 
verily, deliver(?) (him) to Sin-cbm.’’ 18 Until now Rihétum has remained 
at the disposal of Nabii-nadin.’ 19 The dispatch which Gimillu sent con- 
cerning Rihétum to Nabii-nadin, 20 Sin-ibni and Rihétum gave to the 
administrator and Nabii-ah-iddin and 21 in agreement with the testimony of 
Sin-ibni in it there was written the following: ‘If 22 it is pleasing to thee, 
let Rihétum take hold before thee and yearly 23 five shekels of silver bring 
as his hire. Otherwise give him to Sin-ibni. 24 My dispatch, verily, is a 
witness for you.’ The dispatch, 25 which the commissioner(?) of Gimillu 
sent concerning Rihétum to 26 Nabii-nadin and (which) was seen in the 
assembly, 27 they bound, sealed and placed in Hanna.’’ 

Dated the 27th of Marchesvan, the accession year of Cambyses. 


PRINCIPAL DISCUSSION 63 


The first part of this document consists of a confession by a sirku 
that he had been recreant in the performance of his work. After 
a period of about two years spent in truancy, the sirku was seen by 
Gimillu, by whom he was entrusted to Sin-ibni. An agreement was 
drawn up as to the money which Sin-ibni should pay Gimillu for the 
use of the sivku. Guimillu broke this agreement by placing the sirku 
at the disposal of Nabi-nadin, recognizing, however, the claim of 
Sin-ibni. Cf. YBT Vol. VII, 7, 31, 35 for proof of Gimillu’s ras- 
eality. Within two months Sin-ibni and the sirku presented the 
case at the temple and brought the letter of Gimillu to Nabé-nadin 
as proof of what had been done. This letter was accepted by the 
authorities as having binding power even though its writer was not 
present to express acquiescence. In this way it is probable that the 
contract between Gimillu and Sin-ibni was superseded by the agree- 
ment between Gimillu and Nabii-nadin, by the terms of which Sin- 
ibni was entitled to the sirku, if Nabi-nadin did not desire his ser- 
vices at the rate of five shekels per annum. It may be that Nabi- 
nadin had actually found the arrangement unsatisfactory and had 
given the letter which Gimillu wrote him to Sin-ibni and Rihétum that 
it might aid in setting things right in court. The whole document is 
a fine example of Babylonian carefulness in recording all the perti- 
nent details of a case that had claimed the attention of the temple 
authorities. Js-ta-ka-as, 1. 12, and 1s-ku-su, 1. 18 and |. 27, stand for 
wr-ta-ka-as and w-ku-su. Cf. note 8 for change of r to s. See fol- 
lowing text, 1. 22. 


Court record concerning the flight and capture of a Ssirku. 


YBT Vol. VII 88—1 “Ki-na-a apil-su sa ™Na-din apil ™Da-bi-bi 
2 ™4Sqmas-mukin-aplu apil-su sa ™Dajan-ahé"@iddin apil ™Si-gu-i-a 
3 “Lisi-ana-nir-“Marduk apil-su sa ™4Nabt-ahé"-uballit (-it) 4 apil 
mDq-bi-bi ™Si-la-a apil-su sa ™?Samas-zér-ibm apil “Ha-nap 5 ™Ardi-4In-nin 
apil-su sa “Balatu(-tu) apil “Nir-4Sin 6 ™4Samas-zér-igisa(-Sa) apil-su Sa 
mdIn-nin-sum-usur apil ™?Sin-lig-unninn 7 ™Mar-duk apil-su sa “Ina-esi-étir 
apil ™"Hu-un-zu-t 8 “La-ba-tu apil-su sa ™*Nabi-usallim apil ™48in-liq- 
—unninm 9 "mar bani" sa ina pa-ni-su-nu ™A-na-E-an-na-tur-ru 10 "att sa 
bit Su-tum-mu Sarri ™Ri-mut 11 ata sa >%Ti-mu u ™La-kip "aduppu 12 apil- 


64 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES. RESEARCHES V-2 


Su Sa ™Rimut a-na ™Ni-din-ti-4Bél_ 13 "satammu B-an-na apil-Su Sa ™4Nabt- 
mukin-zér apil ™Da-bi-bi 14 % ™4Nabti-ah-iddin "Saqt Sarri 1bél pi-qut-ta 
B-an-na 15 ig-bu-t wm-ma “Ba-si-ia apil-su sa ™*Nabi-ki-sir_ 16 "sirku(PA- 
KAB-DU) Sa 4Bélit 8a Uruk™ Sa ina bit su-tum-mu Sarri 17 sa-ab-tu si-mir- 
ri-e-Su parzilli ip-ta-tar il-ta-su-um 18 % ar-ki-Su ki-< ni-il-su-mu 19 pat-ri 
parzilli a-na muh-hi-i-ni it-ta-as-si’ 20 ina °Ti-mu ki-i ni-is-ba-tu-Su a-na 
B-an-na 21 nu-ul-te-rib-Su % pat-ri Sa muh-hi-su-nu is-su-hu 22 "pubru 
i-mu-ru pat-ri parzilli is-ku-su ik-nu-ku 23 % ina B-an-na vp-qi-du. 


‘<7 Kind, the son of NAadin, son of Dabibi, 2 Shamash-mukin-aplu, the son 
of Dajan-ahé-iddin, son of Shigtia, 3 Liisi-ana-nir-Marduk, the son of 
Nabti-ahé-uballit, 4 son of Dabibi, Shula, the son of Shamash-zér-ibni, son 
of Hanap, 5 Ardi-Innin, the son of Balatu, son of Nir-Sin, 6 Shamash- 
zér-iqisha, the son of Innin-shum-usur, son of Sin-liq-unninni, 7 Marduk, 
the son of Ina-eshi-étir, son of Hunzti, 8 Labatu, the son of Nabi-ushallim, 
son of Sin-lig-unninni, 9 mdr bani, in whose presence Ana-Eanna-turru, 
10 the keeper of the storehouse of the king, Rimit, 11 the keeper of the 
gate Timu, and Lakip, the shipwright, 12 the son of Rimat, to Nidinti-Bél, 
13 the administrator of Kanna, the son of Nabii-mukin-zér, son of Dabibi, 
14 and Nabi-ah-iddin, the chief officer of the king, the chief overseer of 
Kanna, 15 spoke as follows: ‘Basta, the son of Nabi-kishir, 16 a sirku of 
the Bélit of Erech, who in the storehouse of the king, 17 was held as a 
prisoner, opened his iron chains, fled, 18 and when we pursued after him, 
19g he drew an iron sword against us. 20 When we seized him in the gate 
Timu, we brought him into Kanna.’ 21 And the sword which he drew 
against them 22 the assembly saw. They bound the iron sword, sealed 
(it) 23 and kept(it) in Kanna.’’ 

Name of scribe. Dated the 21st of...... , the 2nd year of the king of 
countries. 


This document, which is incompletely dated, gives a number of 
interesting details. An imprisoned sirku forced his shackles open 
and fled. Some minor officials, who witnessed his attempt at 
escape, captured him as he tried to defend himself with a sword. 
The sirku was returned to the temple and the weapon he used was 
inspected by the assembly, after which it was placed in safe keep- 
ing. There is no indication that additional punishment was 
imposed upon the sirku, though the intimation is that he committed 
an unusual crime in drawing a sword upon his pursuers. 


PRINCIPAL DISCUSSION 65 


Oath taken by four Sirké that they will perform a certain task. 

YBT Vol. VII 179—1 ™Si-rik-tum-“AZAG-SUD [u] ™Ha-ma-si-ru 
2 marém Sa ™Ba-la-tu "sirku (PA-KAB-DU) 4Innina Uruk 3 ™Te-rik- 
Sarrit(-ut)-su & ™Ba-la-tu 4 apil-su sa ™Sum-usur Sirké(PA-KAB- 
DU") 4Innina Uruk” 5 §a™4Nabi-mukin-aplu "Satammu B-an-na 6 apil- 
Su Sa ™Na-din apil ™Da-bi-bi Sa ma-Sa-ha 7 8a SE-BAR Sa *™“T]y-gil-lum 
it-ti “kkaratu”’= 8 sa 4Bélit Sa Uruk™ t8-pu-ru-su-nu-tu 9 ™Si-rik-tum- 
4AZAG-SUD “Ha-ma-si-ru 10 “Ba-la-tu wu ™Te-rik-Sarrit (-ut)-su 11 ima 
q4Bél wu *Nabii it-te-mu-t 12 ki-i 6 gur SE-BAR 8a(?)-la® "Satammi a-na 
13 mas-Sar-tum u kurummaté*” ina séri u ina eli nari 14 ni-id-dan-na. 

‘ry Shiriktum-AZAG-SUD [and] Hamasiru, 2 sons of Balatu, a Sirku of 
Innina of Erech, 3 Térik-sharriitsu and Balatu, 4 the son of Shum-usur, 
sirké of Innina of Erech, 5 whom Nabi-mukin-aplu, the administrator of 
Banna, 6 the son of Nadin, son of Dabibi, with reference to the measure 7 of 
the barley of the vicinity of Ilu-gillum together with the husbandmen 8 of 
the Bélit of Erech, sent. 9 Shiriktum-AZAG-SUD, Hamasiru, 10 Balatu and 
Térik-sharritsu 11 by Bél and Nabi swore 12 as follows: ‘Six kors of 
barley, the portion(?) of the administrator for 13 massartum and sus- 
tenance, in the plain and upon the river 14 we will deliver.’ ’’ 

Names of two witnesses and the scribe. Dated in Erech, the 18th of 
Tammuz, the 5th year of Cambyses. 


Though the two persons mentioned in line 1 are not referred to 
as sirké, they were sons of a sirki, and this evidently established 
their status as members of the order. However, PA-K AB-DU™® 
in line 4 may also refer to Shiriktum-47ZAG-SUD and Hamasiru. 
The sirké were commissioned to measure barley and in this work 
they were to be associated with ordinary husbandmen. The oath 
taken indicates that members of the sirkuitu could make a legal 
promise for which they were held responsible. 


Association with a female sirku prohibited. 
YBT Vol. VII 56—1 "¢Za-bd-bd-éres (-e8) apil-su sa ™¢Nabi-balat-su-iqhi 
2 Sa ig-bu-t wm-ma "Kis*-a-a a-na-ku 3 ina ti-mu it-ti f8a-an-na-a fsirkati 
(PA-KAB-DU-ti) 4 8a 4Bélit Sa Uruk” tt-ta-na-ma-ru_ 5 li-tu sa ™Gu-ba-ru 
hynahat Babili™ 6 w H-bir nari i-sad-da-ad. 
‘‘r (As to) Zababa-éresh, the son of Nabii-balatsu-iqbi, 2 who spoke as 


*The scribe probably meant to write HA-LA = zittu = ‘‘portion,’’ ‘‘share.’?’ 


66 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES - RESEARCHES V-2 


follows: ‘I am a Kishite,’ 3 on the day when with Shanna, a female sirku 
4 of the Bélit of Erech, he is seen, 5 a sin against Gobryas, the governor of 
Babylon 6 and the District beyond the River, he will commit.’’ 

Names of five witnesses and the scribe. Dated in Erech, the 28th day. of 
Iyyar, the 6th year of Cyrus. 


It seems from this document that a Kishite was not allowed to 
associate in any way with a female sirku. The reason for this is 
not indicated. The following text is very similar in contents. 


Association with a female sirku prohibited. 

YBT Vol. VII 92—1 I-na ti-mu “Zab-di-ia "Ar-ba-a-a 2 it-ti fNIN-abi-su 
fza-ki-tum®" 3 Sa 4Bélit Sa Uruk™ tt-na-ta-na-ma-ru® 4 hi-tu §a ™Gu-ba-ru 
eae 5 Babili™ u-H-bir nari 6 1-Sad-da-ad. 

‘r On the day when Zabdia, an Arabian, 2 it NIN-abi-shu, a consecrated 
woman, i. e., female sirku, 3 of the Bélit of Erech, is seen, 4 a sin against 


Gobryas, ibe BOYEERUE 5 of Babylon and the District beyond the River, 6 he 
will commit. 


It may be that this document and the preceding one deal with 
individuals who had been guilty of unseemly advances towards the 
female sirké mentioned. Any further action of this nature was 
strictly prohibited. These texts indicate that the sorkutu was not 
an order in which lax morals were allowed. Aliens could have no 
dealings with its female members. 


Entrance into a wine house prohibited. 


YBT Vol. VII 77—1 I-na ti-mu ™4Samas-bél-ibmi a-bi ’Sirki(PA-K AB- 
DU) 2 UInnina Uruk apil-su sa “La-a-ba-st Sa ina si-me-ri 3 sa-ab-tu-ma 
a-na ha-ba-su® Sa ti-ib-nu 4 a-na bit alpé”? Sa Sarri a-na ™4A-num-zér-usabs1 
(-51) 5 mari-su sa “La-a-ba-si na-ad-na ina bit "kurunni 6 it-tan-ma-ru 
md A -nu-zér-usabsi(-st) 7 ahu-su mul-li-e? a-na muh-li-su un-da-al-lu. 


*See page 81. 


*It is probable that it-na-ta-na-ma-ru is an error for it-ta-na-ma-ru as it occurs in 
line 4 of the preceding text. 


®Arabic <2 = ‘‘to pick up.’? Note yyy = ‘‘to bind.” 


MMul-li-e...... un-da-al-lu is evidently an idiomatic expression. Both words come 
from mala = ‘‘to fill.’’ 


PRINCIPAL DISCUSSION 67 


**y On the day when Shamash-bél-ibni, the father of a Sirku 2 of Innina 
of Erech, the son of Labashi, who in chains 3 is held and (who) for the 
picking of straw 4 for the ox stable of the king to Anum-zér-ushabshi, 
5 the son of Labashi, is given, in a wine house 6 is seen, Anu-zér-ushabshi, 
7 his brother, shall give him his just deserts (literally, fill fullness upon 
him).’’ 

Names of an official, two witnesses and the scribe. Dated in Erech, the 
27th of Adar, the 8th year of Cyrus. 


It is unusual for an individual to be referred to, not as a Sirku 
himself, but as the father of a sarku. Whatever the exact status of 
Shamash-bél-ibni may have been with reference to the sirkitu, he 
was in chains for some misdemeanor and was compelled to gather 
straw under the direction of his brother. It is known that Baby- 
lonian wine houses were places of immorality,” and hence the pro- 
hibition in this document may have had the same motive as that 
which is apparent in the two preceding ones. If so, it is additional 
evidence of the sanctity of the order. 


A female sirku fatally injured by a dog. 


YBT Vol. VII 107—1 "@Qi-pa-a-nu % "mar baém-1"% Sa1-na manzaet-[Su-nu] 
2 fTtti-4Na-na-a-gu-2u fLil-li-ka-nu % 3 tA-mat-a fsirkétum(PA-KAB-DU- 
tum)” Sa *Bélit Sa Uruk™ 4 Sa bit ki-me-ti Sal qat| fBu-ra-su iq-ba-dm 
5 um-ma timu 224 $q wrebAyaru sattu 1° Kam-bu-zi-ia 6 Sar Babili™ Sar 
matatr i-na manzazi-i-m 7 1Mi-2a-ti fsirkatum (PA-KAB-[DU]-tum) Sa 
IBéelit Sa Uruk™ 8 kur-ban-m ki-1 ta-as-sa-’ kal-bi tam-mah-ha-as 9 ni-qa-ab- 
ba-as-su um-ma mi-nam-ma kal-bt 10 tam-mah-has-si-’ ta-qab-ba-an-na-a-su 
rr wm-ma tt-ti-su lu-mu-tu 12 kal-bi $a tam-mah-ha-as ina mi-ih-si-Su mi-i-ti. 

‘x Overseers and mér bani in whose presence 2 Itti-Nana-guzu, Lillikanu, 
and 3 Amata, female sirké of the Bélit of Erech, 4 of the kimetz™ house, 
entrusted to Burashu, spoke 5 as follows: ‘On the 22nd day of Iyyar, the 


“Cf. Studies in the History of Religions presented to C. H. Toy, p. 344. Prof. Lyon 
in discussing in this book the laws of the Hammurabi Code (108, 109, 110, 111) con- 
cerning wine shops, says: ‘‘This group of laws shows that the drinking places of the 
time stood in bad repute. The women engaged in the business seem to have been 
unscrupulous and their shops were the resort of evil doers. No votary might engage in 
this business or even enter one of the resorts for the purchase of a drink.’’ 

™Kimeti may be connected with kamdtu — ‘‘enclosure.’’? Cf. kami = ‘‘to enclose,’’ 
‘*to seize,’’ ‘‘to lead captive.’’ It is possible that the reference is to some place of 
detention. 


68 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES- RESEARCHES V-2 


1st year of Cambyses, 6 king of Babylon, king of countries, in our presence 
7 Mizati, a female Sirk of the Bélit of Erech, 8 as she brought an offering, 
was wounded by a dog. g We say to her, ‘70 what extent 10 wast thou 
wounded by a dog?’ She replies to us 11 as follows: ‘With it I shall die.’ 
12 The dog by whose attack she was wounded 13 is dead.’ ”’ 

Names of nine persons, presumably the officials mentioned in line 1, and 
the scribe. Dated in Erech, the 23d of Lyyar, the 1st year of Cambyses. 


The conclusion that may be drawn from this text is that the injury 
of any member of the sirkitu had to be reported to the temple 
officials. Especially was this necessary if the injury was liable to 
result in death. It is evident that a strict account was kept of the 
enrolment of the order and any depletion of its ranks from one 
cause or another was carefully noted. The death of the dog that 
caused the trouble is interesting. Was the dog suffering from 
hydrophobia or was its life taken because of the act it committed? 
The certainty of the wounded woman that she would die suggests 
the former. It should also be noted that kal-bi1 may be read bab-bi 
eA OTL ae 


A sirku performs a religious act. 


YBT Vol. VII 20—11 “rabée® ba-ni-ta™?(?) “ki-na-al-tum™ §a B-an-na 
12 Sa imu 92am Sq, 97 Simanu Sattu 2m "Ky-ra-as Sar matatt 13 ina 1 kas-bu 
a-mu a-na ™*Nabii-ah-iddin *Saqh Sarri 14 "bél pi-qit-tum B-an-na igq-bu-% 
15 um-ma ina manzazi-t-ni ina pulri §a “Gab-bi 16 “™Na-si-ru *sirku(PA- 
KAB-DU) sa *Bélit Sa Uruk 17 *MU bit u-ri Sa babi ina eli ta-bi-e 18 Sa 
4 As-ka-a-a-i-tum ina 1 kas-bu i-mu Sal-la-tum 19 rabt-tum a-na ianimes 
Sa me sag-tla[u]B-zi-da 20 Babih™ «1 “Bar-sip™ i-te-ru-ub. 


‘rr Rabé bani, the assembly of Kanna, 12 who on the 9th day of Sivan, the 
2nd year of Cyrus, king of countries, 13 in the 1st double hour of the day 
to Nabii-ah-iddin, the chief officer of the king, 14 the chief overseer of Hanna, 
spoke 15 as follows: ‘In our presence in the assembly of the city Gabbi, 


"It may be that the word should be read ba-ni-e. 
“hKi-na-al-tum can be explained as hki-na-as-tum from kandu = ‘‘to bow down,’’ 
unless we assume another root kandSu — ‘‘to assemble,’’ like Hebrew $5 and Syriac 


ais. Other occurrences of Akinaltu are in REN 71:18, 26; 72:18, 26; 77:27. Dr. 
Tremayne in his dissertation refers to the form hki-na-as-twm in YBT Vol. VII 16:10. 
See reference to NAY 33 in Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British 


Museum, Part XXXVI, p.9. Cf. NDE 6:18; 57:6; 86:8,14; 152:8. 


PRINCIPAL DISCUSSION 69 


16 Nasiru, a Sirku of the Bélit of Erech, 17 the MU bit lu-ri of the gate, in 
connection with the ‘‘resurrection’’ 18 of Ashkaéitum in the Ist double hour 
of the day, entered as great booty 19 for the gods of Esagila and Hzida, 
20 (in) Babylon and Bosippa.’ ”’ 

The first ten lines contain the names of the rabé bant. The document con- 
cludes with the names of seven witnesses. 


The interpretation of this text is made difficult by its brevity and 
unusual character. It may refer to some act of religious devotion 
on the part of the sirku, who presented himself as ‘‘ great booty’’™ 
to the gods in Babylon and Borsippa at the time of a Ate relig- 
ious ceremony. 


Members of the sirkitu act as fowlers. 


YBT Vol. VII 69—1 "Sirké (PA-KAB-DU™@) "PAG-KAK™@ Sa 4Bélit Sa 
Uruk*™ 2 [Sala-na ™*Nabi-mukin-aplu "Satammu B-an-na apil-su sa 3 ™Na- 
din apil ™Da-bi-bi u ™*Nabi-ah-iddin "Saqt Sarri 4 "bél pi-qit-tum E-an-na 
1g-bu-%4 um-ma 5 a-na te-ma an-na-a ta-su-tu-ra-an-na-si-ma™® 6 18-ka-ri™ 
nu-sal-lim-ma a-na “4Bélit Sa Uruk™ 7 [ni]-id-din ™¢Nabi-mukin-aplu 


>The use of Sal-la-tum rabi-tum in this context is interesting. There is nothing to 
indicate that the act of the sirku was other than voluntary. It may be that some special 
sacrificial dedication is referred to by the term ‘‘ great booty,’’ a ceremonial consecration 
in connection with the celebration of the ‘‘resurrection’’ of Ashkéitum. 

*The form ta-si-tu-ra-an-na-si-ma can best be explained as a mistake of the scribe for 
ta-as-tu-ra-an-na-si-ma. 

™CD 115 gives ‘‘fetter,’’ ‘‘chains,’’ as the meanings for iskaru. At the same time 
a possible connection with “DWN = ‘‘gift,’’ ‘‘present,’’ is noted. The various uses 


of the word favor the latter etymology. Cf. HRETA 111:9, 10 for 4,000 a-gur-ru 
is-kar-su a-na dBélit sa Urukki i-nam-din, ‘‘4,000 bricks as his tskaru to the Bélit of Erech 
he shall give.’’ Cp. AHNP 96:5; 386:1, 2. Also note the following: StrNbn 163:9, 
napharu 50 sigil kaspi is-ka-ri, ‘fa total of 50 shekels of silver as iSkari;’’ StrCyr 


326:1-4, is-ka-ri Sa ultw arabAyaru Sattw...... adi arabAyaru sattu 8 mSi-la-[a] 
ee mdBunene-ibm % hsdbémes-Su-nu...... ana E-bar-ra id-din-nu, ‘‘Iskari, 
which from the month Iyyar of the year...... until the month Iyyar of the 8th year, 
ACU aaa Bunene-ibni and their workmen ...... to Ebarra gave.’’ The iskari 


given consisted of articles of clothing. In these passages and those of the text under 
consideration iskaru seems to refer to some sort of donation or tribute that was due the 
temple. Line 22, which contains a provision intimating that the iskaru is not to be 
diminished, corroborates this view. Of. note 1 for suggestion that iskaru may be con- 


nected with Arabic ae * ‘to thank,’’ ‘‘to praise.’? See Gesenius, Buhl. 1921, p. 
71, under \3YN, 


"0 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES -RESEARCHES V-2 


hSatammu B-an-na 8 u ™4Nabi-ah-iddin "Saqi Sarrt 1q-bu-u-su-nu-tu 
9 um-ma at-tu-nw ina mi-ir® lib-bi-ku-nu a-ha-mes 10 S$t-fu-ru-a-ma 
issuratie 18-ka-ri a-na 11 4Bélit a Uruk” in-na-a "PAG-KAK™® 12 Sa 
dBéelit $a Uruk" it-ti a-ha-mes 13 im-ri-qu-ma a-ha-mes t-za-’-2u 14 ™¢Samas- 
iddin u ™Ta-li-mu bélém i3-ka-ri 15 istén(-en) pu-ut Sani(-1) na-su-% 
16 ™Zéri-ia ™4Na-na-a-éres u ™La-kip bélé™ is-ka-ri 17 wtén(-en) pu-ut 


Sant(-+) na-su-% 18 “Ri-mut u™........ Wstar bélé” is-ka-ri 19 istén 
(-en) pu-ut Sani(-i) na-si-t 20 ™Nddina(-na)-aplu ™.......... mArdi- 


dInnina(-na) bélém’® i8-ka-ri 21 istén(-en) pu-ut Sani(-1) na-Su-m% 22 Sa 
48-ka-ri t-ma-at-tu-% i-tu sa ili wu sarri 1-Sad-dad. 

‘‘r Sirké, the fowlers” of the Bélit of Erech, 2 who to Nabi-mukin-aplu, 
the administrator of Hanna, the son of 3 Nadin, son of Dabibi, and Nabt- 
ah-iddin, the chief officer of the king, 4 the chief overseer of Hanna, spoke 
as follows: 5 ‘Concerning this report ye have written us and 6 we have 
kept the donation® intact and to the Bélit of Hrech 7 we have given (it).’ 
Nabii-mukin-aplu, the administrator of Eanna, 8 and Nabi-ah-iddin, the 
chief officer of the king, spoke to them g as follows: ‘Ye in the obedience( ?) 
of your hearts 10 write (an agreement?) with one another and birds as 
a donation to 11 the Bélit of Erech give.’ The fowlers 12 of the Bélit of 
Erech with one another 13 proved claim and distributed (the responsibil- 
ity) among themselves.’’ 

Lines 14-21: Four groups of bélé”* 1s-ka-ri, each group assuming definite 
responsibility. 

Line 22: ‘‘ Whoever decreases the donation will commit a sin against the 
god and the king.’’ | 

Names of three witnesses and the scribe. Dated in Erech, the 12th of 
Sivan, the 8th year of Cyrus. 


It may be presumed that this document has to do with the main- 
tenance of the temple’s supply of fowls for food or sacrificial pur- 
poses. That members of the serkttu should be held responsible for 
this accords with other duties of the order. Not enough detailed 


*The expression ina mi-ir lib-bi-ku-nu seems to conform in meaning to ina hu-ud 
lib-bi-ku-nu, ‘fin the joy of your hearts,’’ ‘‘of your own free will.’’ Of. PsrVrtr. 
LXXIII:2 for i-na mi-gir lib-bi-Su, ‘‘in the obedience of his heart.’’ Also StrNbn 
356:12. Possibly mi-ir is a mistake of the scribe for mi-gi-ir. 

"Dr. Tremayne discusses the meaning of hPAG-KAK very thoroughly in his dissertation 
from the standpoint of all the references in CD, Hwb, etc., and his conclusion is that 
‘*fowler’’ is the best translation in this text. 

®See note 77. 


PRINCIPAL DISCUSSION W1 


circumstances are mentioned in the text to warrant extensive con- 
clusions, but it is clear that there were sirké who acted as fowlers 
and that they had to render a strict account of their activities in 
that capacity. 


Rental of a house belonging to a Sirku. 


YBT Vol. VII 2—1 Bit "4A-nu-ah-iddin apil-su sa “Musallim-*Marduk 
2 Sirku(PA-KAB-DU) sa 4Bélit Sa Uruk tte bit 3 maré”s Sa ™4In-nin-zér- 
usabsi(-st) apil-su sa ™Ba-lat-su 4 Sa 1-na ri-e-hu Sa ina muh-li ™4A-nu-ah- 
iddin 5 a-na B-an-na na-sa-’ a-na Satti 6 3 siqi kaspi a-na 1-di biti ina pa-m 
7 ™4Samas-ka-sir apil-su sa ™47A-nu-ah-iddin 8 u-ru i-Sa-an-na bat-qu 9 sa 
a-sur-ru-% 1-sab-bat 10 a-li kaspi ina rés Satti w 11 a-la kaspi ina m-Ssil Satter 
i-nam-din 12 ul-tu imu 21'™ sa %Sabatu bitu ina pa-m-su. 

‘‘r The house of Anu-ah-iddin, the son of Mushallim-Marduk, 2 a sirku 
of the Bélit of Erech, adjoining the house 3 of the sons of Innin-zér-ushab- 
shi, the son of Balatsu, 4 which for the claim which is against Anu-ah-iddin 
5 to Kanna is delivered, at the yearly rate of 6 3 shekels of silver for the rent 
of the house, is at the disposal of 7 Shamash-kasir, the son of Anu-ah-iddin. 
8 The woodwork he shall renew; the crack 9g of the wall he shall close up. 
1o Half of the silver at the beginning of the year and 11 half of the silver 
at the middle of the year he shall pay. 12 From the 21st day of Shebat the 
house is at his disposal.’’ 

Names of an official, three witnesses and the scribe. Dated in Erech, 
the 21st day of Shebat, the accession year of Cyrus. 


The significance of this text centers about the fact that a house 
belonging to a sirku was held by the temple on account of an unpaid 
debt. The sarku had a son who was able to rent the house from the 
temple for three shekels of silver a year on condition that he would 
keep the property in good repair. 


Document concerning the slaves of a sirku. 


YBT Vol. VII 114—1 "@Bél-na’id “asaridu "sirku(PA-KAB-DU) 4Innina 
Uruk ™4Nabi-bél-usur "qal-la-su 2 a-na 1 ma-na kaspi a-na Simi gam-ru- 
tu a-na "Ta-bi-ia 3 mari-su sa ™4*Nabi-sSum-skun(-un) 1d-di-on-nu-ma 
m4iNabi-bél-t-sur 4 a-na bit ™Ta-bi-ta la 1-ru-bu % kaspa-dm 5 1 ma-na 
Simu ™4Nabi-bél-usur "qal-la-su i-na qait 6 ™Ta-bi-ia in-ni-tir ™4Bél- 
na’id ina hu-ud lib-bi-su 7 ™¢Samas-iddin "qal-la-Su "askapu Lu-wm-mu-ru 


"9 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES- RESEARCHES V-2 


Si-bil-tum ku-um 8 ™¢Nabé-bél-ti-sur a-na ™Ta-bi-ia mari-Su sa ™4Nabi- 
Sum-iskun(-un) 9 id-di-nu pu-ut "si-hi-t % "pa-kir-ra-[nu] 10 Sa ma ela 
m4Sqmas-iddin ib-ba-as-Su-0"!_ 11 ™4Bél-na’id na-si. 

‘‘y Bél-n4’id, the prince, a sirku of Innina of Erech, Nabi-bél-usur, his 
slave 2 for 1 mina at the full price to Tabia, 3 the son of Nabti-shum- 
ishkun, gave and Nabii-bél-usur 4 into the house of Tabia did not enter and 
the silver amounting to 5 1 mina, the price of Nabti-bél-usur, his slave, from 
6 Tabia was received. Bél-na’id of his own free will 7 Shamash-iddin, his 
slave, the shoemaker hummuru, 82 as a, present in place of 8 Nabi-bél-usur, 
to Tabia, the son of Nabii-shum-ishkun, g gave. The responsibility of 
claimant and plaintiff, 10 which is upon Shamash-iddin, 11 Bél-na’id 
assumes, ”’ 

Three incomplete lines follow. Names of four witnesses and the scribe. 
Dated in Erech, the 5th of Ab, the Ist year of Cambyses. 


It is interesting to note that a sirku could own slaves. In this 
case the sirku was of very high rank, in reality a member of the 
nobility. The first part of the document deals with the sale of a 
slave by the sirku. This sale was not consummated, as the slave 
for some reason did not go to the house of his new owner, and the 
money involved in the transaction was returned. The sirku then 
presented another slave to the man who had attempted to secure 
possession of the first slave. This may be taken as an indication 
of the wealth and generosity of the sarku. 


Promissory note in which a sirku is interested. 


YBT Vol. VII 180—1 13 gur 2 pi 18 qa SE-BAR zittu qaq-qar makkur 
2 4Innina Uruk™ u 4Na-na-a [Sa gat] “Muk-ki-e-a 3 apil-su §a ™Innina-zér- 
usabsi(-8i) “kkaru 'sirku(PA-KAB-DU) UInnina Uruk® 4 ina muh-hi 
™Gu-za-nu apil-su Sa ™?Marduk-étir 5 ina “tAyaru SE-BAR-Gm 13 gur 
2 pt 18 ga 6 ina *ma-Si-Lu sa 4Bélit Sa Uruk® ina mub-hi 7 ""Pit-qa 
1-nam-din. 

‘*z 13 kors, 2 pi, 18 qa of barley, the portion of the land, the property of 
2 Innina of Erech and Nana, [entrusted to] Mukkéa, 3 the son of Innina- 


vyve 


“The use of i-ba-as-Su-% in this context is unusual, as forms of the verb a’dlw are gen- 
erally used. The form ib-ba-as-Su-% occurs in VS V 149:8. See under basé in TlqNB. 

“This term is a form like nukkusu from nakdsu. It is difficult to determine its mean- 
ing in this context. Cf. “{9f] Hwb p. 283 and Gesenius, Buhl, 1921, p. 242. Note Qdmiru 
as a derivative of hdru, CD p. 334. 


PRINCIPAL DISCUSSION "3 


zér-ushabshi, the husbandman, a Sirku of Innina of Erech, 4 to be paid by 
Guzanu, the son of Marduk-étir. 5 In the month Iyyar, the barley amount- 
ing to 13 kors, 2 pi, 18 qa, 6 according to the measure of the Bélit of Erech, 
upon 7 the river Pitqa he shall pay.’’ 

Two incomplete lines are followed by the names of two witnesses and the 
scribe. Dated in the city ""Pit-qa sa ™*Bél-étir Si-i-Lu §a Bélit §a Uruk’, 
the 7th of Iyyar, the 5th year of Cambyses. 


This document evidently refers to a quantity of barley belonging 
to the temple, but entrusted to a sirku who gave it to Guzanu. The 
latter agrees to pay it back at a certain time and place. 


Lease of land from Belshazzar by a Sirku. 


REN 150—1 “Ib-m-4In-nin apil-su sa “Ba-la-tu "sirku(PA-KAB-DU) Sa 
qBélit Sa Uruk* “4Bél-Sar-usur 2 mar sarri béla-su u-sa-al-li um-ma 625 gur 
8ee6ri Bit me-ri-su 3 ina ®zéri pi-t Sul-pu sa 4Bélit Sa Uruk™ Sa ina tamiriugy- 
man-dar 100 “ikkaratu” 4 100 alpém? w& 50 litté rabati mér Sarri bélu-a 
lid-di-nam-ma ina sattt 5 5,000 gur SE-BAR ga-mir-tum ina “ma-si-hu Sa 
Sarri ina B-an-na lud-[din] 6 “¢Bél-sar-usur mar Sarri bélu-Su is-me-su-ma 
625 gur *zéri Bit [me-ri-su] 7 ina *zéri pi-t Sul-pu Sa ina 7" Gu-man-dar 
100 ““kkaraétu™®® 100 alpé um-........ 8 uw 50 litté rabatin? a-na “Ib-m- 
qIn-nin apil-su sa ™Ba-la-tu id-din ina Satti 9 5,000 [gur] SE-BAR ga-mir- 
tum ina *ma-si-hu Sa Sarri ina B-an-na i-nam-din 10 3,000 ma-ak-sa-ru®* sa 
t1-1b-nu ina ela mas-qat-tum** t-nam-din. 


“One of the meanings of kasdru is ‘‘to bind.’’? Hence ma-ak-sa-ru in this context 
means ‘‘bundle.’’ Cf. VS VI 224:4, 9, for ma-ak-sa-ru in a text dealing with straw 
used in making bricks. Compare Exodus 5:7-18. 

*Mas-qat-tum is derived from Sagi = ‘‘to water,’’ ‘‘to give to drink.’’ Cf. CD p. 
608 for forms masqu — ‘‘watering place,’’ and masqitu = ‘‘watering.’’ Masqattum 
suggests ‘‘watered region,’’ the place where the straw was to be delivered instead 
of being left at an inland spot. REN 34:7 contains the form mas-qa-ti used in the same 
sense. REN 26:4, 5 has the following statement: mas-qa-ti Sa dBélit Sa Urukki ina 
pa-ni-ia ta-a-nu, ‘‘there is no watered region of the Bélit of Erech at my disposal.’’ The 
phrase ina eli mas-qat-twm is paralleled in meaning by ina muh-li me-e, REN 11:6, 19; 
ina eli mémes, REN 40:9, 17; ina eli mémes rabiti, REN 41:8; ina mul-i méme 
rabitimes, REN 41:14; ina mul-li me-e rabitimes, REN 26:10, 18, 19. Cf. also REN 
159:8. The word maskattum in CD p. 604 must be read masqattum as the references 
given indicate. It is interesting that contracts provided for the delivery of grain, straw, 
bricks, ete., at some canal or stream so that they might be transported by water to their 
final destination. Cf. YBT Vol. VII 180:6, 7 for ina muh-i narPit-ga i-nam-din, 


V4 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES- RESEARCHES V-2 


‘¢y Tbni-Innin, the son of Balatu, a sirku of the Bélit of Erech, Belshazzar, 
2 the son of the king, his lord, besought as follows: ‘625 kors of the seed 
field Bit mérigsu 3 from the uncultivated land of the Bélit of Erech which 
is in the vicinity of Sumandar, 100 husbandmen, 4 100 oxen and 50 mature 
cows, may the son of the king, my lord, give me and yearly 5 5,000 kors of 
barley in full, according to the measure of the king, in Eanna let me give.’ 
6 Belshazzar, the son of the king, his lord, heard him and 625 kors of the 
seed field Bit mérisu 7 from the uncultivated land which is in the vicinity of 
Sumandar, 100 husbandmen, 100 oxen...... 8 and 50 mature cows to Ibni- 
Innin, the son of Balatu, he gave. Yearly g 5,000 kors of barley in full, 
according to the measure of the king, in Kanna he shall give. 10 3,000 
bundles of straw at the watered region he shall deliver.’’ 

The remaining part of the lease is not given as it is partially mutilated. 
Names of seven witnesses and the scribe. Dated in...... the 27th day of 
AS A , the 11th year of Nabonidus. 


This lease represents a legal contract of more than ordinary sig- 
nificance. The heavy obligations assumed and the high personage 
with whom the contract was made indicate that it was possible for a 
sirku to rise to no mean position in the business world of his day. 
YBT Vol. VII 47 is the record of a lease of land from the temple by 
a Sirku. The ground leased was five kors of small date-palm land, 
the property of Ishtar, for cultivation for five years. REN 26:14, 
15 contains the following: ri-hi-1t *zéri sa a-na "Si-ra-ku 15 Sa 
4*Bélit Sa Uruk™ sa ina pam "sa-kin nadnu(-nu), ‘‘the balance of the 
seed field which is given to the members of the Sirkitu of the Bélit 
of Krech who are at the disposal of the governor.’’ StrDar 80:14 
and 265:5, 6 refer to "*Nabi-uballit (-at) 'si-rik “Marduk as having 
an important part in land contracts. 


Money given to a chief sirku. 


YBT Vol. VII 40—1 1 ma-na kaspi ina gat 2 ™Muk-ki-e-a apil ™"Musézib- 
4Béel 3 1/2 ma-na 6 Siqlu ina gat 4 “Kud-da-a 5 napharu 1 1/2 ma-na 
6 Sigil kaspi 6 a-na™4In-nin-ahé "°-iddin 7 "rab Sirki(PA-KAB-DU). 

“‘r 1 mina of silver from 2 Mukkéa, the son of Mushézib-Bél; 3 1/2 mina, 
6 shekels from 4 Kudda; 5 a total of 1 1/2 minas, 6 shekels of silver, 
6 to Innin-ahé-iddin, 7 the chief sirku (are given).’’ 

Dated the 14th of Tebet, the 4th year of Cyrus. 


PRINCIPAL DISCUSSION 5 


This brief record is another indication that there was a chief 
Sirku. It is unique in its reference to the payment of money to the 
order.®° 

The following miscellaneous references to the sirkitu, excerpts 
from texts some of which are not completely preserved, are given in 
order that all available material may be presented in this discus- 
sion. The translations will be a sufficient explanation of their 
bearing upon the nature of the sirkitu. 


REN 126:1-5—1 Suluppwu sa a-na ri-lu-tt kurummaté”? 2 Sa a-di lib-bi 
arabAddaru a-na "um-ma-nu 3 u% "Sirké(PA-KAB-DU™) Sa dul-lu ina 
B-an-na 4 tp-pu-su in-na-ad-di-in %Sabatu timu 7k™ 5 sattu 8k 4Nabti- 
na’id Sar Babila™. 

‘*t Dates which are for the balance of the food, 2 which up to the month 
Adar for the artisans 3 and sirké, who perform work in Eanna, 4 were 
given. The 7th of Shebat, 5 the 8th year of Nabonidus.’’ 


The remaining 17 lines of the tablet contain a statement of the 
quantities received from various persons. 


REN 171:9, 10—g9 Ina lib-bi 126 gur 1 pi 12 qa SE-BAR a-na 10 kurum- 
maté*™ Sa "Si-ra-ku Sa dul-lu §a Rag-qat-4Samas, ‘‘9 Of it there were 126 
kors, 1 pi, 18 ga of barley for 10 the food of the members of the sirkiitu of 
the work of Raqqat-Shamash.”’ 


REN 167:8-11—8 316 gur SE-BAR ina kurummaté*™" ™e Sq 'Si-ra-ku 
9 ina *bAyaru Sattu 6 4Nabi-na’id Sar Babi 10 ™Sa-4Nabi-i-sal-lim 
hgal-la Sa ™¢*Nabi-sar-usur "Sagi Sarrt 11 ina na-as-par-ti sa ™4Nabt-Ssar- 
usur ma gati-1-ni tt-ta-st. 

‘8 316 kors of barley of the members of the sirkuitu g in the month Iyyar, 
the 6th year of Nabonidus, king of Babylon, ro Sha-Nabdi-ishallim, the slave 
of Nabi-shar-usur, the chief officer of the king, 11 at the command of Nabi- 
shar-tisur, from us received.”’ 


REN 167 :14-16—14 136 gur SE-BAR 15 u suluppi ina kurummaté™ mes 
Sa hsi-ra-ku ™Sa-*Nabti-t-Sal-im 16 ina na-as-par-ti §a ™¢Nabi-sar-usur ina 
gati-ta vt-ta-S. 


Cf. NLE 41:6-8. 


16 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES - RESEARCHES V-2 


‘‘r4 186 kors of barley 15 and dates of the food of the members of the 
Sirkitu Sha-Nabi-ishallim 16 at the command of Nabti-shar-usur from me 
received. ’’ 

Other references of a similar nature are the following: NLE 106:37, Ina 
kurummaté*™ 'Sir-ki-tu sa 4Na-[na]-a, ‘‘Of the food of the sirku order of 
Nana.’’ NLE 41:6-8, Kaspdm 1/2 ma-na sa imu 3'™ Sq 7bNisannu a-na 
kurummaté” Sa suluppi a-na "81-ra-ku Sa-at-ru, “‘Silver, 1/2 mina, which on 
the 3rd day of Nisan for food (consisting) of dates for members of the 
Sirkitu is recorded.’’ LCH 95:20, SH-BAR ina lib-bi a-na "Si-ra-ka wu 
haduppé, ‘‘The barley thereof for the members of the sirkitu and the 
shipwrights.’’?’ VS VI 230:1, Qimu kurummaté*" S1-ra-ka, ‘‘Flour, the 
food of the members of the Sirkutu.’’ See also 1. 12 abid. 


YBT Vol. VII 79:12, 183—12 1 "sirku(PA-KAB-DU) ultu makkuri a-na 
maN abii-igisa(-Sa) ™Ki-di-nu u “Sa-du-nu i-nam-din-nu-ma 13 ltté rabatimes 
-ri-’. 

‘72 One Sirku from the property (of Kanna) to Nabi-iqisha, Kidinu and 
Shadunu they shall give and 13 he shall pasture the full grown cows.”’ 


This quotation is from a contract to furnish milk for the feast of 
Ishtar for one year. It is dated the 12th of Sivan, the 8th year of 
Cyrus. The three men mentioned above were supplhed with cows 
and a sirku to shepherd them. 


YBT Vol. VII 89 :8-11—8 “4*Nabi-mukin-aplu "Satammu B-an-na mari-su 
Sa ™Na-din apil “Da-bi-bi 9 “E-an-na-Sar-usur "Sirku(PA-KAB-DU) 
UInnina Uruk a-na 10 [ma]-as-sar-tum sa bit a-ki-tum a-na "ati-u-tu 
LE ees ip-qi-rd. 

‘*8 Nabi-mukin-aplu, the administrator of Kanna, the son of Nadin, son 
of Dabibi, 9 entrusted Eanna-shar-usur, a sirku of Innina of Erech, with 
the gatekeepership 10 for (the purpose of) guarding the banquet house.’’ 


The original gatekeeper fled and, after the sirku was appointed, 
another man asked for the position and received it. The office may 
have been desirable on account of its emoluments. 


YBT Vol. VII 158 :1-4—1 “4Dan-nu-ahé™?-Su-ibni mari-su §a ™4Na-na-a- 
iddin 2 "ikkaru “Isirku(PA-KAB-DU) 4Innina Uruk* Sa a-na ™4Nabi- 
mukin-aplu 3 *satammu E-an-na i ™4*Nabi-ah-iddin "Saqt Sarri 4 "bél pigit- 
tum(SIG) B-an-na iq-bu-% um-ma. 


PRINCIPAL DISCUSSION ny 


**y Dannu-ahéshu-ibni, the son of Nana-iddin, 2 the husbandman, a Sirku 
of Innina of Erech, who to Nabéi-mukin-aplu, 3 the administrator of Banna, 
and Nabf-ah-iddin, the chief officer of the king, 4 the chief overseer of 
Kanna, spoke as follows:”’ 


The rest of the text, which is only partially preserved, deals with 
the sale of sheep belonging to the temple. 


YBT Vol. VII 128 :9-12—9 "Mar bani" Sa ina pa-ni-su-nu ™4Innina-a- 
lik-pa-m "Sirku(PA-KAB-DU)4Innina Uruk -10 'na-qi-du sa UInnina 
Uruk® igq-bu-% um-ma 11 ™Bél-Su-nu "Sirki(PA-KAB-DU) 4Innina Uruk* 
mari-su sa 12 “Nir-e-a, ete. 

‘‘g Mar bani, in whose presence Innina-alik-pani, a sirku of Innina of 
Erech, ro ashepherd of Innina of Erech, spoke as follows: 11 ‘Bélshunu, a 
sirku of Innina of Erech, the son of 12 Ntréa,’ ”’ ete. 


The rest of the document, which is partially mutilated, describes 
the trial of Belshunu for killing a sheep belonging to the temple. 


CONCLUDING DISCUSSION. 


It is now possible to summarize the grammatical material con- 
tained in the texts dealing with the sirkitu and to formulate more 
general conclusions as to the nature of the order. The terms used 
to designate individual members of the order or the order as a 
whole will first be tabulated. 


Terms derived from saraku. 


hsi-ra-ku, StrNbn 234:7; 1129:7; StrNbk 253:2; StrCyr 288:7; NDE 
41:8; 73:4; REN 26:14; 167:8,15; 171:10; AH NN 89.3; 256:7; 
AENP 108:5; 247:8. 

hsi-ra-ku Sa 4Bélit Sa Uruk™, REN 154:10; 14, 15. 

h%i-ra-ki, NLE 200:9. 

hs-ra-ak, AE NP 402 :5., 

hsi-rak, AENN 72:3. 

hS-rakmes’, AENN 234:2. 

hsi-rakms $a 4Bél, AENN 235:2, 4. 

hsi-rakme Sa 4Samas, AENN 235:8. 

h3i-ra-ka, LCE 95:20; VS VI 202:3, 11; 230:1, 12. 

hsir-ra-ku, VS VI 248 :14. 

hsi-ri-ki u”?*-u-tu, UMBS Vol. IT 65:18. 

BSTPUG ces « , StrNbn 945 :4. 

hsi-rik Marduk, VS V1 148:6; SirDar 80:14; 265:5, 6. 

hsi-rik *Nabt, VS VI 100:3. 

hsi-rik “Samas, StrCyr 281:1, 4; StrNbn 172 :2. 

hsi-rik Uruk™, YBT Vol. VII 149:2. 

hsir-ku sa 4Bélit Sa Uruk™, REN 2:6. 

hsi-or-ku sa “Innina Uruk™, CEHE line 31. 

hsir-ku Sa 4*Nergal, YBT Vol. VII 137:8. 

hsir-ki, AENN 125:7; StrNbn 842:3; "8i-ir-ki, REN 175:4. 

hsir-ki Sa *Nergal, REN 148:3. 

hsir-ki-tu Sa 4Na-[na]-a, NLE 106:37. 

fsir-kat “Samas, StrNbn 958 :2. 

lsir-ki-a-ta, REN 56 :4. 

‘Sir-ka-tum Sa 4Bélit Sa Uruk*, REN 224 :14, 15. 

fl sir-ka]-tum, YBT Vol. VII 66:21. 


CONCLUDING DISCUSSION "9 


hsir-ku-t-tu, REN 224 :238. 

hyi-ik-ka $a *Bélit Sa Uruk*, YBT Vol. VII 50:8. 

hsim-ku, BE VIII 104:8. 

hSim-ki, AENN 161:5; StrCyr 332:16; StrNbn 1010:15. 
hyim-ki Sa “Istar, YBT Vol. VII 17:18, 14. : 
hyim-ki-u-tu, StrCyr 332 :19, 28. 

hs}-18-ki Sa *Bél, BE VIII 24:2. 

hrab s1-ra-ka, BRM Part I 94:9." 

hrab si-ir-ku Sa 4Samas, StrNbn 643 :38. 

hrab Sir-ki, AENN 38:8. 

hrab sim-ki, StrNbn 317:7, 10; 496:6; 746:9; 906:18; 1010:11; 1087:7. 
hrab 5-is-ku, StrCyr 74:8; StrNbk 253 :3. 


Terms derived from PA-KAB-DU = Saréku. 


hPA-KAB-DU, REN 186:6; YBT Vol. VII 65:2; 79: 12. 

hPA-KAB-DU™(me), LCE 169 :16, 20, 21; REN 108:5; 126:3; StrNbk 
169:2; YBT Vol. VII 132:10; VS VI 204:1; NLE 
17:40, 42. 

hPA-KAB-DU Sa 4Bélit Sa Uruk”, HRETA 111:38, 4, 7; REN 150:1; 
YBT Vol. VIL 1:2; 2:2; 20:16; 44:4, 11; 88:16. 

hPA-KAB-DU™2(me) Sq 4Bélit Sa Uruk™, DCE 106:5; REN 116:11, 12, 
14, 15,16; YBT Vol. VII 154:1, 2, 5, 6. 

hPA-KAB-DU"% "PAG-KAK™& Sa 4Bélit Sa Uruk™, YBT Vol. VII 69:1. 

hPA-KAB-DU"” Sa 4Bél, AENN 401:2. 

hPA-KAB-DU 4Innina Uruk, CEHE line 1,2; LCE 106:3; YBT Vol. 
eee tard h lees ooo 1021s 114-1. 1298-9" 11; 
146-1). 15231; -158:2: 179-2; 180:6; 187:6. 

hPA-KAB-DU™ 4] nnina Uruk®, YBT Vol. VII 152:8; 179:4; 187:1. 

hPA-KAB-DU™(me) Sq 4Innina Uruk™, YBT Vol. VII 70:4; 187:20; 
172 :2. 

hPA-KAB-DU Sa 4Nergal, REN 148:3; YBT Vol. VII 1387:8. 

hPA-KAB-DU"™ hal-qu-tu sa 4Innina Uruk", YBT Vol. VII 152:5, 6. 

hPA-KAB-DU™% Sa 4Lugal...... , StrNbn 33 <4. 

hPA-KAB-DU Sa 4Samai, StrNbn 842 ::6. 

hPA-KAB-DU-u-tu, AENN 361:3; HRETA 132:44; REN 79:16. 

hPA-KAB-t-tu, REN 80:16. 

fPA-KAB-DU-tum sa 4Bélit Sa Uruk™, YBT Vol. VII 91:2; 107:7. 


“The document as a whole is an itemized report of date wine. Line 9 is as follows: _ 
30 qa a-na mdBél-igisa(-§a) hrab Si-ra-ka, ‘*30 ga to (or for) Bél-igisha, a chief Sirku.’’ 


80 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES- RESEARCHES V-2 


fPA-KAB-DU-ti Sa “Bélit sa Uruk™, YBT Vol. VII 56:3, 4. 

fPA-KAB-DU-tum"@ sa “Bélit 8a Uruk™, VBT Vol. VII 107:3. 

fPA-KAB-tum 8a “Bélit 8a Uruk®, YBT Vol. VII 60:2. 

brah PA-KAB-DU, StrCamb 9:10(2); StrNbn 976:9, 16; 988:8; YBT 
Vol. VII 40:7. 


Terms derived from zakit. 


tea-ki-tu, LCE 161:7; REN 137:8; 186:2; AENP 326:13. 
tea-ki-tt Sa *Bélit Sa Uruk, REN 186:4, 5. 

fea-ki-tum Sa 4Bélit Sa Uruk™, YBT Vol. VII 92:2, 3. 

fea-ki-ti Sa *Bélit Sa Uruk™ Sa kak-kab-ti Se-en-di, REN 129:1, 2. 


Certain variations in the above terms are due to the influence of 
the context in which they are found, but others must be explained as 
the result of the tendency of a widely used term to be modified 
by the laws of euphony.®® A study of the passages in which “si-ra-ku 
occurs leads to the conclusion that it was used in a collective sense.*® 

The act of presenting or stating that an individual belonged to the 
deity is expressed in the following ways: 


a-na “Bélit Sa Uruk ad-din, REN 154:9. 

a-na *Istar id-di-nu-’, YBT Vol. VII 17:7, 8. 

a-na Innina Uruk* la id-di-na-an-m, YBT Vol. VII 66:6, 7. 

a-na “Innina Uruk™ u ¢Na-na-a id-dan-nu-na-a-su, HRETA 182 :4. 

a-na Innina Uruk™ % 4Na-na-a a-na "PA-K AB-DU-%-tu id-di-nu-su-nu-tu, 
HRETA 132 :48, 44. 

a-na"PA-KAB-DU-%-tu a-na 4Bélit $a Uruk™ id-di-nu-us, AENN 361:8-5. 

a-na*"PA-KAB-DU-i-tu a-na 4Bélit Sa Uruk” it-ta-din-su, REN 79:15, 
16; 80:15, 16. (Variant "PA-KAB-i-tu.) 

a-na *Bélut sa Uruk™ v%-zak-ku-t, REN 56:5, 6. 

a-na *[Bélit] sa Uruk* uz-zak-kan-na, YBT Vol. VII 66:3. 

a-na "Sir-ku-u-tu a-na *Bélit sa Uruk t-zak-ku-su, REN 224 :28, 24. 


“Note especially Sirku=sisku=sikku=simku. Of. note 8. The form sikku occurs 
only once, YBT Vol. VII 50:8, as St-ik-ka. 

“The term hsi-rak occurs both with and without the plural sign. Of. REN 154:10, 14 
for a good example of hSi-ra-ku used in plural sense. Note also AENP 103:5 and LCE 
95:20. The latter text has héi-ra-ka uw haduppémes, and hsi-ra-ka has evidently a plural 
significance the same as haduppémes. For discussion of the meaning of aduppu see RA 
1920 p. 105. 


CONCLUDING DISCUSSION 81 


a-na Innina Uruk™ 4 4Na-na-a %-zak-ki-su-nu-tu, HRETA 1382 :6, 7. 
pa-ni *Bélit Sa Uruk™ ta-ad-dag-gal, YBT Vol. VII 66:21. 

$a *Bélit Sa Uruk™ su-u, REN 2:20, Cf. REN 154:14, 15; 186:4, 5. 
hSim-ki $a UTStar is-3u-4(%),°° YBT Vol. VII 17:13, 14. 


In the above passages four different verbal expressions are used, 
viz., nadanu—‘‘to give’’; zaku, which in the second stem means ‘‘to 
make free,’’ then ‘‘to make pure,’’ ‘‘to consecrate’’; dagalu pam 
= ‘*to be at the disposal of’’; andsa...... su-u, the literal meaning 
of which is ‘‘he (is) of,’’ hence ‘‘belongs to.’’ It is to be noted that 
the root Saraku = ‘‘to present’’ is not used as a verb in the texts 
dealing with the sirkutu. The cylinder recording the dedication of 
Nabonidus’ daughter as a votary contains the following statement: 
martu ul-li-ul-ma a-na 4Sin u *Nin-gal bélé® -e-a as-ru-uk,*! ‘‘The 
daughter I purified and dedicated to Sin and Nikkal, my lords.’’ 
Another expression in the same inscription is wb-b1-1b-su-nu-li-ma 
a-na “Sin u 4Nin-gal belé™® -e-a u-2ak-ki-su-nu-ti,°? ‘*T purified them 
and for Sin and Nikkal, my lords, I sanctified them.’’ It is not to 
be supposed that Nabonidus dedicated his daughter to an order of 
votaries similar to the sarkutu because he used the expression asruk, 
but the strength of the term is indicated by the high position occupied 
by Bél-shalti-Nannar as a princess and the important duties which 
devolved upon her after she became an entu. Presentation to a 
deity carried with it the idea of purification, as the words of Nabon- 
idus prove. There can be no doubt that the members of the serkitu 
were similarly purified. The expression “zga-ki-tu is important evi- 
dence on this point. It is used in the sense of ‘‘sanctified,’’ or 
‘‘nurified.’’ Once it is followed by the phrase sa kak-kab-ti se-en-dt 
= ‘fof the star mark.’’ This seems to indicate that there was a 
zakitu marked with a star and one that was unmarked, which cor- 
roborates the supposition that there were two classes of the order.** 

The phrases which refer to the mark of the star, as the distin- 
guishing symbol of the sirkitu, and the act of implanting that mark 
upon the members of the order are the following: 

See note 35. 
“MI No. 45, Col. II, line 10. Cf. a-na dNin-ib...... a-na Si-rik-ti i-ruk, K g& U 
AR 44:1-9. 


"MI No. 45, Col. II, lines 32 and 33. 
See page 38. 


82 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES - RESEARCHES V-2 


kak-kab-ti a3-mit, REN 154:8, 

kak-kab-tum...... is-mi-tan-m, YBT Vol. VII 66:2, 3. 

kak-kab-ti Se-en-di, REN 129 :2. 

MUL-t1 se-en-di, LCE 120:4. 

kak-kab-tt & ar-ra-a-te ina eli *’rit-ti-su it-ta-di, REN 79:14, 15; 80:14, 15. 

kak-kab-tum ina muh-lt...... a-ta-mar, REN 57:11, 18. 

kak-kab-tum sa muh-li 11-1t-t1-su 1-mu-ru, YBT Vol. VII 66 :12. 

kak-kab-ti % ar-ra-a-tum ina mul-ht rit-ti...... la a-mu-ru, REN 

O24 :20, 24. 

MUL-ti = kak-kab-tr = ‘‘star’’ points to the well-known symbol 
of Ishtar and constitutes an appropriate sign of dedication to that 
deity.°* The feminine form of the Babylonian word for ‘‘star’’ is 
used and this may be due to the fact that an actual star was not 
denoted by the term. Ar-ra-a-tum(ti) may be explained as the 
feminine plural of a noun from ardru = ‘‘to burn,’’ or araru = 
‘‘to curse.’’ If the former is its etymology it means ‘‘burnings,’’ 
‘‘brandings.’’ The implantation of a star-shaped mark by means 
of a red-hot iron would insure permanency. At the same time it is 
possible that the mark was the result of scarification by means of 
a dagger and that the brandings or curse marks were additional 
symbols. The above references seem to indicate that the mark of 
the star could exist unaccompanied by branding. 

The part of the body marked is indicated by the terms firrit. ti, 
rit-ti, and 1i-tt-t1-su. Anidiom used in REN 129:4, 6, 8, 11 is ritéu 
sataru. The placing of an incised or branded mark upon a slave’s 
or devotee’s hand could well be expressed by the verb sataru = ‘‘to 
write’’ in view of the nature of cuneiform script. Cf. PBSA 
1885, p. 104, line 4 for the phrase *"ritti ematti-Su........ Sat-ra-at, 
and ibid. 1884, p. 102, lines 4 and 5, for the phrase rit-ti Swméli-Su. . . 
Sat-ra-tum. See M 2614 for DUB = rittu, and the sign list in BE X 
for DUB = syllabic value rit. It is possible that the combination 
DUB + tw should be read rette(-t1). The terms emittu and sumélu, 
‘right’? and ‘‘left,’’ indicate that rittu refers to ‘‘hand’’ rather 
than ‘‘seal,’’ and the determinative for ‘‘flesh’’ corroborates the 

“Cf. Zimmern Akkadische Fremdworter, p. 68, for the suggestion that ‘‘star’’ may be 


derived from Ishtar. Cf. also KAT* p. 425. 
“Cf. Hebrew “ft the primary meaning of which is ‘‘to cut,’’ ‘‘to grave with a 


stylus. ’’ 


CONCLUDING DISCUSSION 83 


reading. The owner’s name was evidently inscribed on a slave’s 
hand.®* Rittw sataru has its counterpart in Hebrew 7 32. See 
Isaiah 44:5 for the expression AN"? 17? 3h’, ‘He shall inscribe 
his hand, Unto Yahweh.’’ LXX has émypdpe yep abrod: rod Oeov eipi, 
According to CD, p. 990f, the primary meaning of rittu is ‘‘seal,’’ 
‘‘sion,’’ and the secondary meaning ‘‘finger,’’ ‘‘fist.’’ See JAOS, 
Vol. 40, Part 1, Feb., 1920, p. 73. Cf. note in ZA 19, p. 248, where 
Streck holds with Miiller that rittw comes from x sh, = ‘‘palm of the 


hand,’”’ and that ‘‘sign’’ is the secondary meaning due to the fact 
that finger nails were used in making marks upon contract tablets. 
Lucian, De dea Syra, 59, refers to persons who were branded on the 
wrist and neck, while Plato, De legibus IX, 853, refers to branding 
on the hand and forehead. Cf. JAOS 42, pp. 80-90. 

Two verbs are used to denote the process of placing the mark of a 
star upon the sirkitu. It-ta-di comes from nadi = ‘‘to cast,’’ ‘‘to 
place,’’ and hence its use in this connection is easily understood. 
The other verb is represented by as-mut, 15-mi-tan-m, and Se-en-dt, 
the common root of which is Samdtu. Simtu, as a nominal form 
from samdatu, could readily change to sintu, and then to sendu. 
SE-GIN, B 7499, = simtu. B 225, shows that the same signs, used 
in connection with KUS = ‘‘skin,’’ have the meaning sindu. Thus 
the verbal phrase kakkabtu samatu = ‘‘to mark with a star,’’ has 
its counterpart in the nominal expression kakkabtu sindu = ‘‘star 
mark.’’ In the Elephantine Papyrus K5 the mark upon a slave is 
termed M7 9y m3w’.%7 

Kakkabtu sindu is also used to designate the mark of a star upon 
animals belonging to the temple.®® Of extreme value is the pro- 


“Cf. StrCyr 332:5, 6, rittu §a mMusézib-dSamas...... Sumi-Su is-tur; PsrVrtr. 
LXXI:3, Sa rit-twmmes-Su a-na Sumi Sa fKu-me-[ip-pi-tum Sat-ra-tum]; PsrVrtr 
LXXIII:3, 4, a rit-ti Suméli-Su a-na Sumi-sa fTub-ki-tum alti-su Sat-ra-tum. Cf. Rev. 
3:12, ‘‘I will write upon him the name of my God,”’’ ete. 

"Cf. OLZ, 1907, p. 627, and ibid. 1917, p. 102 and note. See StrCyr 307:9. 

REN 123:1, 9; 156:5, 14, 15; 169:1, 15; 231:1, 17, 18; Cf. also YBT Vol. VII 
7:38, 55, 58, 59, 60, 77, 88, 110, where kak-kab-tum Se-in-di-ti occurs as well as kak-kab- 
tum Se-en-du. Ibid. line 45 has Se-in-di-ti used as permansive, in the following context, 
1 littu rabitu...... ab-ka-ta-am-ma ina E-an-na Se-in-di-ti, ‘1 mature cow...... 
was bought and marked in Eanna.’’ Plut. Lucullus 24 and De Iside et Osiride 31 give 
instances of the marking of sacred cattle. 


84 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES. RESEARCHES V-2 


vision in two leases of land that temple officials shall mark animals 
with the iron sindu of Ishtar, the goddess of Erech. The phrase 
used is wna Sin-du pareillst sa *Bélit Sa Uruk™ 1-Som-mi-tum (tr) °° 
Other forms of the verb Samdtu are is-mu-it,© tas-mit,! 1-Sim- 
mi-it'>? and 7-sum-m-tu.? AEHNN 194 throws additional light upon 
the term sindu, stating that nine Sindu of iron for oxen and sheep 
were placed at the disposal of a blacksmith a-na su-up-pu-ru=‘“‘for 
scratching.’’ If this refers to slight markings, it may indicate that 
in this case the sindu was a metal tag to be fastened to the animal, 
as the indentations in the iron would have to be deep in order to 
brand a special mark upon the flesh. YBT Vol. VII 128:16, 17, 23 
contains the expression lahrati" sa kak-kab-tum parezidl, which 
may be interpreted to mean either that the sheep were tagged with 
a metal star or that they bore the impress of a metal stamp upon 
their bodies. 

The exact meaning of sindu is difficult to determine. It seems to 
be used to designate anything put on an object to mark, ornament, 
or distinguish it. Carpenters used sendu in their trade, as the fol- 
lowing statements indicate: 4 ma-na S-in-du ina pam “Na-din "nag- 
garni, StrNbn 416 :1-4; 16 ma-na si-n-di a-na “Sapik-zér % ahé"?-Su 
naggarée™, StrNbk 126:1-4; 4 ma-na 51-in-du a-na ™Marduk-usur 
hnaggari nadna(-na), StrNbk 222:1-8; Cf. StrNbk 130:1, 2. - The 
following passages indicate that simdu was used on doors and beds: 
6 ma-na sindi(KUS-SE-GIN) a-na “dalti, BE XIV 67:1, 2; 1/3 
ma-na sindi(KUS-SE-GIN) a-na ‘*irsi, BE XTV 74:1, 2; 6 ga gi-mu 
a-na sin-du $a *dalati’, AENN 300:1, 2. For the use of Sindu on 
vehicles see UMBS II, 2, Nos. 30 and 140. AHNP 193:11 has kak- _ 
kab-ti sin-di-ti, as a term denoting a star mark upon a garment 
(Sal-hu). The statement that ‘‘flour’’ was used for sindu indi- 
cates that it could be made of finely powdered material, as ‘‘flour’’ 
may mean anything reduced to fine particles by grinding. The 

REN 11:14; 150:20. See V & 27 6 ef, and V #& No. 1, 1.30, for Sindu hurdsi=gold 
Sindu. Of. Harper, The Code of Hammurabi, 38:67; 35:36, 40, 41, 44, 47, 52, 53; 21:34. 

‘REN 233:3. Of. OLZ Jan. 1922, p.11, note. 

*74ENN 96:7; 166:6, in the interesting personal name fSa-dNa-na-a-tas-mit, ‘*The 
one whom Nana has marked.’’ 


1MREN 233:138. 
1®Y BT Vol. VII 43:8. 


CONCLUDING DISCUSSION 85 


suggestion is made by Scheil in RA, 1920, Vol. 17, No. 2, p. 104, that 
simdu was a resin used in preparing a varnish for covering wood. 
See ibid. p. 74, reverse, line 11, for the expression Sinda namirta = 
‘brilliant sinda.’’ It seems, then, that a certain kind of sindu was 
a material used in giving a brilliant finish to articles made of wood, 
such as doors, beds, chariots, etc., or at any rate in adorning these 
objects in some way. Other passages showing that the term Sindu 
was used to denote a mark upon cattle are the following: wmmeru 
....8a ma muh-li ap-pi-su s-in-du, ‘‘a sheep....upon whose nose 
was a Sindu,’’ StrNbk 360:10; immeru... .Sa si-in-du ina muh-hi-su 
ta-a-nu, ‘‘a sheep....upon which there was no Sindu,’’ StrCamb 
1:1; alpu...sa mu-si-in-di-i-tum, ‘‘an ox...that was marked (with 
a sindu),’’ StrDar 257:1, 2. See also StrCyr 44:2, 3. An expres- 
sion indicating that sindu could designate a mark of servitude is 
s1-in-du sa amtu-u-tu, ‘‘the sindu of female slavery,’’ StrCyr 307 39. 

It is not easy to determine the relation of Samdtu to other Semitic 
roots. Apparently the idiom kakkabtu samatu = kakkabtu nadiu. 
This suggests a possible connection between samdtu and Hebrew 
Div, Ov’, although there perhaps ought to be other proof before 
the theory of denominative origin is finally accepted. The Arabic 
verbs .~~ =‘‘to brand’”°4 and ao = ‘‘to tattoo’’ are also sug- 


sae 
gestive. The ancient Arabic tribal mark, branded with a hot iron, 
was called... The coincidence of Greek ojpa= ‘‘sion,’’ 


‘‘mark,’’ is to be noted. 

If the basic meaning of the verb Samdatu were known, it would be 
less difficult to determine conclusively whether the star mark of the 
Sirkitu of Ishtar was a brand burnt with a hot iron, a scar pro- 
duced by a sharp instrument, a discoloration of the skin caused by 
tattooing, or a metal tag fastened to the body. If the mark was a 
permanent one, then the interpretation of the texts in REN need 
not be changed. On the other hand, if the mark was not a per- 
manent one, i. e., if it could be discarded by the individual upon 
whom it had been placed, then the court testimonies in REN must 
be regarded as efforts to reclaim certain individuals as members of 
the Sirktitu. The more rational supposition, however, is that the 
mark was a permanent one. 

“Cf ZIB— Simtu, B 4689, and ZIB-DU-KIM-MU = gallabu, B 4694, 


86 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES - RESEARCHES V-2 


In support of this there are interesting parallels. The Jews who 
were compelled to submit to initiation into the Dionysiac mysteries 
were branded with the figure of an ivy leaf.1°% Mythology points 
to the fact that ivy was sacred to Dionysus and that the ivy wreath 
was one of his personal adornments. Ivy was also sacred to Attis 
and Osiris. Eunuch priests of the former were tattoed with a pat- 
tern of ivy leaves.1°* Temple slaves at Canopus were branded 
with the sacred sign of Serapis, a Graeco-EHgyptian god.’ Busts, 
supposed to be those of Roman priests of Isis, are marked with the 
sign of the cult.1°° The disciples of Carpocrates were branded 


1°TTT Mace. 2:29f. Cumont in The Mysteries of Mithra, translated by J. M. McCor- 
mack, 1910 edition, p. 157, says, ‘‘ Tertullian also compared the confirmation of his 
coreligionists to the ceremony in which they ‘signed’ the forehead of the soldier. It 
appears, however, that the sign or seal impressed was not, as in the Christian liturgy, an 
unction, but a mark burned with a red-hot iron like that applied in the army to recruits 
before they were admitted to the oath. This indelible imprint perpetuated the memory 
of the solemn engagement by which the person under vow contracted to serve in that order 
of chivalry which Mithraism constituted.’’ Cf. Ency. Brit. Vol. VII, p. 114, for refer- 
ence to the fact that Christian Copts are tattooed with a cross below the palm of the 
right hand. 

1M razer’s Golden Bough, Vol. V, p. 278 and note. 

Herodotus II, 131. 

18American Journal of Archaeology, 1904 pp. 11-43. The following quotations are 
interesting: ‘‘The Roman practice of branding evil-minded or unmanageable slaves is 
well known. The mark was a letter or letters, and indicated possibly the name of the 
owner. At any rate, it must have been a mark of identification. This mark was 
placed on the forehead, or the face, and was branded, or possibly sometimes painted. 
Recruits (tirones) in the Roman army are known to have been branded, though not 
necessarily on the forehead. Persons condemned to punishment and criminals or captives 
were occasionally identified thus.’’ ‘‘But there existed a practice, especially in Oriental 
lands, which was of a somewhat different character. It consisted in placing a mark 
upon a human being, who thereby became the property of a god or was consecrated to 
his service. Herodotus II, 131 describes a temple of Heracles at Taricheiae, at the 
Canobic mouth of the Nile. ‘If a man’s slave take refuge at this temple,’ says 
Herodotus, ‘and have the sacred marks (oriyyara ipd) set upon him, thus giving himself 
over to the god, it is not lawful to lay hand upon him.’ ’’ ‘‘Furthermore, it is certain 
that in the Roman period pagan priests, not definitely named, branded themselves by 
way of self-consecration. This is evident from the passage in Prudentius (Peristeph. X, 
1076-1085), where the martyr Romanus ridicules the religious practices of the pagans. 
‘Furthermore,’ he says, ‘the initiate before consecration is impressed with a seal; they 
place small needle-shaped instruments in the fire, and with these, glowing hot, they 
proceed to brand the body. Whatever part the fiery mark has sealed, this they declare 
is hallowed to their god.’ ’’ Professor D. M. Robinson called the writer’s attention to 
this interesting article by Walter Dennison. 


CONCLUDING DISCUSSION 87 


inside the lobe of the right ear.1°® The devotees of Civa and 
Vishnu have their distinctive body marks.1!° Primitive people 
to-day practice tattooing and scarification as a part of their cult.1 
Totemic marks, according to some authorities, are regarded by 
their possessors as having religious significance.112 Present-day 
Arabs attempt to protect their children from the evil eye by making 
three incisions in both cheeks.1!3 

Evidences of a belief in sacred marks are not wanting in the Old 
and New Testaments. The protective mark upon Cain must have 
had a more than ordinary significance.!1+ The Israelites were for- 
bidden to mark their bodies by cutting,’!® and this no doubt was 
made necessary by their tendency to worship other gods whose 
cults required such markings. In the passover ceremony the mark 
of blood on the doors was a sacred sign insuring protection from 


1°Trenaeus I 25. One is reminded of the mark that was made upon the ear of a 
permanent slave by the Hebrews. Deut. 15:17. 

n°Of. Sir Monier Williams, Brahmanism and Hinduism, p. 67. ‘‘ Again, it is important 
to note that both Saivas and Vaishnavas differ in the mode of branding their breasts, 
arms and other parts of their bodies with other distinctive marks of their sects. Such 
marks are burnt in with red-hot stamps, sometimes made of gold. In the case of Saivas 
they represent the weapons and symbols of Siva, such as the trident and linga; while 
the favourite brands of Vishnu are the discus, the club and the conch shell. This prac- 
tice was severely denounced by Sankara, but apparently with little effect.’’ 

mCf, A. B. Ellis, The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast, p. 146. ‘Besides 
_the ordinary tribal tattoo-marks borne by all natives, the priesthood in Dahomi bear a 
variety of such marks, some very elaborate, and an expert can tell by the marks on a 
priest to what god he is vowed, and what rank he holds in the order. These hierarchical 
marks consist of lines, scrolls, diamonds, and other patterns, with sometimes a figure, 
such as that of a crocodile or chameleon. The shoulders are frequently seen covered with 
an infinite number of small marks, like dots, set close together. All these marks are 
considered sacred and the laity are forbidden to touch them.’’ 

1uCf, Frazer, Totemism and Exogamy, Vol. III, p. 353. ‘‘The practice of tattooing 
used to be prevalent among Western Tinnehs (N. W. America) and the figures tattooed 
on the breast had generally a totemic significance. Marks tattooed on forearms referred 
as a rule to a personal totemic animal revealed in a dream, and the bearing of whose 
symbol was supposed to create reciprocal sympathy and a sort of kinship between totem 
and tattooed individual.’’ Cf. also Grosse, The Beginnings of Art, pp. 69-81, and 
W. Robertson Smith, Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia, p. 212f. 

48Snouck-Hurgronje, Mekka, 1888, II, p. 120f. 

4Gen. 5:15. Cf. ZATW Vol. 14, p. 250f, Kainzetchen by Stade. This article gives 
some interesting facts concerning the practice of branding common among the ancients. 

15Tey. 19:28; 21:5f; Deut. 14:1f. 


88 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES - RESEARCHES V-2 


the deity.11® Similarly, in Ezekiel 9:4, 6, the men to be saved were 
marked on the forehead with a Tau. Paul, when he desired to 
emphasize his complete consecration to Christ, stated in symbolical 
language that he bore the marks of Jesus branded on his body,'** 
and this he seems to contrast with circumcision, itself a mark of 
religious significance to the Hebrews. In the Apocalypse the sign 
of salvation is the name or seal of God on the forehead,'!® while 
the sign of perdition is the mark of the beast on the forehead or 
right hand.1?® 

A closing summary of the facts brought together concerning the 
Sirkitu may now be presented. 

The sirkitu was an order of male and female persons who had 
been dedicated to various Babylonian deities, viz., Marduk, Nabi, 
Bél, Shamash, Nergal and Ishtar. The order was recruited in dif- 
ferent ways. Parents dedicated their children, and princes and 
civilians their slaves. Slaves dedicated to the sirkitu could remain 
in their master’s house until the latter’s death, whereupon they 
became the property of the deity. No doubt the supreme motive 
which led to the dedication of individuals to the sirkitu was a desire 
to secure the favor of the gods, but there is one instance in which the 
motive was a desire to save children from starvation. There are 
indications that the offspring of a sirku belonged to the deity. At 
any rate, children born after a parent had been branded with the 
sacred symbol belonged to the order to at least the third generation. 
Foreigners, presumably captives in war, also became members. 

The several references to a chief Sirku prove that the order was 
not a disorganized group of temple servants. Careful records of 
the membership were kept by the temple and the nobility. In 
cases of dispute the temple record was the deciding factor. The 
sirkuitu connected with Ishtar seems to have been divided into two 
classes, those marked with a star, the symbol of the deity, and those 
not marked. If controversy arose, the status of an unmarked sirku 

nee, 12:22f, 

“Gal. 6:17. Paul uses the word oriywara = ‘‘marks.’? The verb orltw was used to 
describe the marking of slaves. Cf. Liddell and Scott’s Greek-English Lexicon. Paul 
described himself as Sot\0s Xpicrov *"Incot. Romans 1:1. 


“Rev. 7:2f; 9:4; 22:4. Note also Rev. 3:12. 
“Rev. 13:16f; 14:1, 9; 16:2; 19:20; 20:4. 


CONCLUDING DISCUSSION 89 


was determined by the records. The star mark was sufficient to fix 
the status of a ‘‘branded’’ sirku. 

The primary function of the sirkvitu was to perform various sub- 
ordinate duties connected with the routine of temple activities. 
Members of the sirktitu are described as husbandmen, shepherds, 
fowlers, bowmen, gate-keepers, military workmen, goldsmiths, and 
in certain texts are classed with laborers, stable men, artisans, car- 
penters and builders. At the same time a sirku might be called 
upon to harvest reeds, measure barley, act as a porter or messenger, 
form part of the temple guard, assist in pulling the ship of an 
official, or perform work in the king’s palace. Gobryas and his 
son made use of their services at Babylon, for the temple made a 
practice of placing them at the disposal of outside individuals. 
In return for the performance of work the sirkitu was supplied 
with clothing, food, drink, and money, and there is evidence that 
there were special quarters for the order. 

Stringent provisions for bailment indicate the complete author- 
ity of the temple over the sirkiitu. Not every member of the order 
was content with his lot. Some of them were insubordinate and 
had to be placed in chains. Others ran away and had to be brought 
back, sometimes at the point of the sword. The temple used every 
possible means to protect its claim upon those that had been dedi- 
eated to its patron deity. It should be noted that the different 
groups of the order were distinguished by the names of the deities 
to whom they had been dedicated and not by the names of the 

temples with which they were connected. 

There are striking indications of the high social and commercial 
position occupied by some members of the serkitu. Thus a cer- 
tain sirku is referred to as a prince who owned slaves. Cases 
are not wanting in which a sirku assumed heavy obligations 
such as the lease of a tract of land, the incurrence of debt, the 
ownership of property, and the adoption of children. A sirku 
could engage in business transactions, make legal contracts and 
become responsible for other members of the order. The courts 
of the temple and civil authorities recognized that a sirku had 
the right of appeal, and a sirku could be placed under oath the 


90 YALE ORIENTAL SERIES. RESEARCHES V-2 


same as any other individual. There is one instance of a sirku per- 
forming an act in connection with a religious ceremony. 

Very little is revealed concerning the marital life of members of 
the sarkitu. Evidently a sirku could have a wife who was not a 
member of the organization. Such a wife had no claim upon her 
children, as they apparently became members of the sirkitu. If 
they visited her she had to give security for their return to the tem- 
ple. Special note should be taken of the case of a woman who bore 
children to the brother of her former master after she had been 
dedicated to the sirkutu. On the other hand, there are certain texts 
which suggest that the sirkitu was characterized by an unexpected 
degree of moral sanctity. There is no evidence that the order 
bore much resemblance to the votaries mentioned in the Hammu- 
rabi Code,!*° the lax attendants of Ishtar mentioned in the Gil- 
gamesh Hpic,!*4 the devotees of Astarte mentioned in the Old 
Testament,!?? or the immoral hierodules of Aphrodite mentioned 
by Greek writers.1?? 

The strkitu had more in common with the Nethinim, mentioned 
in Chronicles, Ezra and Nehemiah, and the Levites as deseribed in 
the priestly document. The Nethinim (from {fl = nadanu,*4 
translated oi déuevon in LXX, I Chron. 9:2, and called iepésovdoi'*® by 
Josephus, Ant. XI, 5,1) although traced back to Moses, Joshua and 


20There is no certainty as to the particular function of these votaries, of which there 
were several kinds, NIN-DINGIR-RA = entu, SAL-ME = tigiltu, NU-GIG = qadistu, 
NU-BAR = zermasitum and zgikrum. Cf. MI p. 67. The high position of these votaries 
is indicated in various laws of the Code. According to Lyon there is nothing in the 
record that forms a sure basis of ill-repute. See reference, note 71. Cf. Harper, The 
Code of Hammurabi, and Kohler and Ungnad, Hammurabi’s Gesetz. 

The harimati and Sambati. Cf. Gilgamesh Epic, Tablet I, Columns 4 and 5, and 
Tablet VI, Columns 1 and 2. | 

Of. references under wp and mw in Hebrew Lexicons. See Hastings, 


Dictionary of the Bible, Vol. IV, p. 80, for reference to an inscription mentioning ‘‘a 
whole series of different temple servants’’ of Astarte. 

130f. article on Hieroduli, Dictionaire des Antiquites Grecques et Romaines, Ch. Darem- 
berg et Edm. Saglio, Vol. 5, p. 171ff. Also Encyclopaedia of maaeat and Ethics, Vol. 
6 pp. 671-676. 

The use of the verb ndddnu — ‘‘to give’’ in denoting the dedication of an individual 
to the Sirkitu is a striking parallel to the meaning of the word Nethinim. 

The word lepddovAos is used by Josephus, one must suppose, in its primary sense, i. e., 
‘‘temple slave.’’ Likewise in I Esdras 1:3. 


CONCLUDING DISCUSSION 91 


David,!** assumed prominence as temple servants in connection with 
the return of the Jews from their exile in Babylonia, which may be 
regarded as significant. They accompanied both Zerubbabel and 
Ezra to Palestine and were among the first to dwell in the cities 
of the land of Judah after its resettlement.127 There was a f'3 
09937 ,1°8 which should be compared with bit "Sirki.1*° The Nethi- 
nim were under the direction of overseers,!®° which reminds one of 
the ’rab sirki1*!| The Canaanitish Gibeonites were made ‘‘hewers 
of wood and drawers of water’’ for the Hebrew sanctuary,!*? and 
the foreign names of the Nethinim should also be noted.1** In the 
Syriac, Hera 8:20 has the term j;.= = ‘‘aliens,’’ ‘‘sojourners,’’ 
for Nethinim. This is paralleled by the instance of an Hgyptian 
member of the sirkutu.?+ The thought naturally presents itself 
that some of the Jews may have served as members of the sirkutu 
in Babylonian temples. Finally, if a member of the Nethinim 
married one outside his class, the offspring belonged to the 
order,'®> and this seems to have been the case with the sirkiutu.1*® 
According to the record in Numbers,'** the Levites were given 
(nethtinim) to Aaron and his sons to be the caretakers of the tem- 
ple, and their duties, as distinct from those of the priests, are fully 
described.1*8 I Hsdras 1:3 applies the term tepddovAx to the Levites. 
These descriptions of the origin, position and function of the 
Nethimim and Levites form an interesting parallel to what we now 
know concerning the sirkutu of Babylonian deities. 

Nu. 31:30, 47; Josh. 9:27; Ezra 8:20. 

Hera. 2:43-54; 8:17; I Chron. 9:2; Neh. 7:46-56, 73; 11:3. 

Neh. 3:31. 

2°REN 186:6. Note URU-SAG-PA-KAB-DUki, STD 56:5; 76:4; 217:4; RA 1912, 
p. 73f. See also RUL 58:11; 115:15; 116:15; 126:43; 129:31; 164:9; 202:11, 43; 
UDT 93:2. Compare year 11 of Warad-Sin, page 23 of Grice Chrn. 

Veh, 11:21. 

118trNbn 317:7, 10; 496:6; 746:9; 643:3; 906:13;. 976:9, 16; 988:8; 1010:11; 
1037:7; StrCyr 74:8; StrNbk 253:3; AENN 38:3; BRM Part I 94:9; YBT Vol. VII 
40:7. Cf. SAL-SAG-PA-KAB-DU-bi, Hwb p. 692; SAG-PA-KAB-DU, UDT 93:2. 

22 Josh, 9:3-27. 

Hera 2:43-54; Neh. 7:46-56. 

WRHN 148:3. A duty of this sirku was to bring wood to the temple. 

1° Vishna Qiddishin, III, 12; Yébaméth, II, 4. 

“TCE 106. 

“Nu. 3:9; 8:16,19; 18:2-6. a ere ; 

W8Ny. 3:14-37; I Chron. 9:14-34; 23:17-32; 25:1-31; 26:1-32. 


INDEX OF TEXTS 


Page 
AION Ne Ooi tse eine corte 25 
a {CR a roe 26 
a el Uae ee Teg oe ene 26* 
f ot Baran timeia 3s eee Nh BEY or 26 
BS AAG eevee eee ANE 28 
as GL ees eee tate 25 
A DOE iin aia viele ae ices 27 
ta QBs. teivine oitente needs 27 
es BOL INGE cates serene 24 
a LU ema Sera ids Se 26 
AUTEN Bg OG ee eicere eee ete 28* 
Ny LO De eee eee 28* 
ie 108 ee torte se 23 
‘a DUS Sra tree sn ate arene 28* 
a Vs OP RD. See FERS 28* 
Es BPA Saye May Ee PR ee Nae 28* 
oe AQ 2 Stn. vine ne een 28* 
Bir NOY Wiles Can eee 17 
- napa tL Bias tartan i7 
BRM “Part Ps9405%. ceases Fethe 
CEH OG Os ek eee 28 
HAE TA VIA tes eee 18 
Sf LO22). Bote ise eee 20 
NLE See ee 43* 
Mia Ale Oe Na. ee Seen 75* 
Peeing FPN pas Spt Ses 26* 
eties OU iene DR Res ALC 78* 
R200... sc: eee eee Shey 
DCO a, shee eee ee 80* 
SN MLOU lta kes ss os tap eee 19 
SS TAL 0 Saeee pee rae 32 SY oh eee 41* 
aber i$? oo ie 3. crys ee 21 
REN 2, 25. nt eae a es 41 
SS i DG Wea coe ea eee 74* 
“SDE a ee Sees ee 45 
ALOUD Bi taces cloter cite eee 39 


Page 
PLO GTO ax occ 0:8 0 0 38 
BE BN eo 152 o< 5 a4 care ia ote eee 39* 
tw UOscss Gala bee ane 60 
116 ee 42 
sei Bs PEPER ES a io 
f- 129.0 eee 43 
66. 148 1. a eee 91* 
‘t '150: sae eee 73 
66164. 03k ieee 33 
F167 Ss a 15 
OTM... Ae 75 
f° 186 ooo. 2.8 eee 44 
SS 2O4. ss tbe eee 36 
StrCyr (4... ccs'< «eee 14 
Sf (DBD vce es eke ee eee 16 
66 288. ot sac 14 
Nf B08 oan cae 14* 
SirDar 802 .. vee eee 74* 
f  265 00. ie eee 74* 
StrNbk 169... 2. ee “14 
¢ 253 Ox.8 fee 14 
StrNon 88... 2.4 so eee 13 
ween W PPR sk 14 
6 284. Aaa eee 14 
66-643. SoG eee 15 
66 843. oo is 
66 3945. open 3 eee 15 
£6. (958... 04 eee 13 
‘€ 2 976... eee 13 
**. 1010: . ee ee 14 
6°"'1087 5. SS 14 
(00°'1129 oe 13 
UMBS-Yol, Il 65. ..70g eee 78* 
VS VI 100... 5 eee 13 
‘S148. . 3.0. ae 14 


S202... oe 55* 


INDEX OF TEXTS 93 


Page Page 
eS) WES Sa (oy Ube Ob Val Loe Soon weenie cnc, 63 
ES ase vs cn es weiss re fla oF SEI OU Dee aoe eels 76 
Pe AVOLO VAL 1... se ese 49 a ihe api a Us aca ea aR 45 
- is LE epg ara 71 i socks Vas Alar nae Papeete 66 
3 "LOA pe aa a 40 s LUG sos te ne ase 61 
Mi MPG e'si ccc taco 68 i MALU LS. ok nee ce 67 
a TIA ae 74 oY hc SRC ae nae 71 
ns MAA, ais 0 oft as D3 af SEER LG Oucky eto PD 6 17 
hy RE (ee hos 74* fy ne [LS pear an otra nee le 
= BEAT OUS vix sie niece's a 51 = BaPeLG beter nit te 59 
8 SG ae arene 65 os BP IAG Ce On or Sai. 06 
- 1” GONG See ear aes 50 hs OLA D per es tat ce 49* 
3 RMON ace orate sheoays 50* ce BLO rears at etae 58 
a Be OU 5s okcc os cots 34 = Eh FS Li Pea ayy) 
a BRON, ee een « 69 a Sod Ste sore Auer 76 
es NAT R a EE 47 - OOS UPAR payed iy Ae 46 
ia OS NEE SIR ay Pg 52 4 aa fp! ears arty ge 65 
= Spe eos ore a e's 66 ih optmen LOLS pace tenet is 72 











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